Voicesthatshapedtheabortiondebatebefore
theSupremeCourt’sruling
LindaGreenhouseandRevaB.Siegel
YaleLawSchool
BEFOREROEV. WADE
WITHANEWAFTERWORD
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
.............................................................viii
: Reform, Repeal, Religion and Reaction ............................
Introduction ............................................................
Reform .................................................................
Letter to the Society for Humane Abortion .............................
“Rush” Procedure for Going to Japan ..................................
e Lesser of Two Evils by Sherri Chessen Finkbine ...................
Abortion: e Law and the Reality in
by Jane E. Hodgson, M.D. ........................................
Dr. Hodgson’s Adavit .............................................
Statement of Dr. Hodgson’s Patient ..................................
Illegal Abortion as a Public Health Problem
by Mary Steichen Calderone ......................................
American Law Institute Abortion Policy, ........................
American Medical Association Policy Statements, and ......
Clergy Consultation Service Statement ...............................
Abortion Law Reform in the United States by Jimmye Kimmey .......
“Right to Choose” Memorandum by Jimmye Kimmey ................
Repeal ................................................................
National Organization for Women, Bill of Rights .....................
Abortion: A Woman’s Civil Right by Betty Friedan ...................
NARAL Policy Statement ...........................................
BEFORE ROE V. WADEiv
Call to Women’s Strike for Equality by Betty Friedan .................
“Speak-Out-Rage” ..................................................
Feminist as Anti-Abortionist by Sidney Callahan .....................
Black Women’s Manifesto by Frances Beal ............................
Black Women and the Motherhood Myth by Bev Cole ................
Zero Population Growth ............................................
A Sex Counseling Service for College Students
by Philip M. Sarrel and Lorna J. Sarrel ............................
Sex and the Yale Student by the Student Committee
on Human Sexuality .............................................
Religion ...............................................................
Union for Reform Judaism, .....................................
United Methodist Church, Statement of Social Principles, ........
Southern Baptist Convention, Resolution on Abortion, ...........
National Association of Evangelicals, Statement on Abortion, .....
Catholic Church Statement: Humanae Vitae, ....................
Catholic Church Statement: Human Life in Our Day, ...........
Reaction ..............................................................
New Jersey Catholic Bishops’ Letter ..................................
Abortion in Perspective by Robert M. Byrn ...........................
Abortion and Social Justice (Americans United for Life) ..............
Similarly, I Will Not...Cause Abortion by Robert D. Knapp, M.D. .....
New Jersey Assembly Testimony .....................................
Handbook on Abortion by J. C. Willke, M.D. and Barbara Willke .....
Abortion Makes Strange Bedfellows: GOP and GOD
by Lawrence T. King ............................................
: Conict Constitutionalized: e Years Before Roe .............
Introduction .........................................................
Abortion Law Reform and Repeal: Legislative and
Judicial Developments by Ruth Roemer ..........................
TABLE OF CONTENTS v
Legislation: New York ................................................
Everywoman’s Abortions: “e Oppressor Is Man”
by Susan Brownmiller ...........................................
Constitutional uestion: Is ere a Right to Abortion?
by Linda Greenhouse ...........................................
Plaintis’ Brief, Abramowicz v. Leowitz ............................
Memorandum of Assemblywoman Constance E. Cook. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Plainti-Appellant’s Brief, Byrn v. New York City
Health & Hospitals Corporation ..................................
Letter from President Nixon to Cardinal Cooke .....................
Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller’s Veto Message ......................
e City Politic: e Case of the Missing Abortion Lobbyists
by Hope Spencer ................................................
Litigation: Connecticut ...............................................
Women vs. Connecticut oughts on Strategy .......................
Women vs. Connecticut Organizing Pamphlet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Memorandum of Decision, Abele v. Markle I ........................
Connecticut Legislative Hearing Testimony .........................
Memorandum of Decision, Abele v. Markle II ........................
Crosscurrents in the National Arena, ..............................
Plainti’s Brief, Struck v. Secretary of Defense ........................
Rockefeller Commission Report ....................................
Abortion Seen Up to Woman, Doctor by George Gallup .............
Statement About the Report of the Commission
on Population Growth and the American Future .................
Swing to Right Seen Among Catholics, Jews by Louis Cassels .........
Assault Book by Patrick Buchanan ..................................
Women’s Libbers Do NOT Speak for Us by Phyllis Schlay ..........
: Speaking to the Court ........................................
Roe v. Wade in Context ...............................................
A Changing Landscape ...............................................
BEFORE ROE V. WADEvi
Argument and Decision ...............................................
Brief for Appellants Jane Roe et al .....................................
Brief for Appellee Henry Wade ........................................
Announcing the Decision .............................................
...........................................................
Before (and Aer) Roe v. Wade: New uestions About Backlash .........
. ’ :
...................................................
A. Public Health ...................................................
B. Environment and Regulation .....................................
C. Sexual Freedom ..................................................
D. Feminist Voices ..................................................
.
.........................................
A. e Catholic Church’s Opposition to Legislative Reform ...........
B. Party Realignment: Republican Eorts to Recruit Catholic Votes in
the Presidential Campaign .................................
C. Abortion and Party Realignment .................................
.
:
......................................
A. Claims About Roe ...............................................
B. Court-Centered and Political Accounts of Conict:
Some uestions ....................................................
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
: Briefs Filed by “Friends of the Court” (Amici Curiae) .......
For Jane Roe: Medical Brief ...........................................
For Jane Roe: Public Health and Poverty Brief ..........................
For Jane Roe: “New Women Lawyers” Brief ............................
For Jane Roe: Planned Parenthood Brief ...............................
For Jane Roe: Liberal Religious Brief ...................................
For Jane Roe: California Committee to Legalize Abortion Brief .........
TABLE OF CONTENTS vii
For Henry Wade: Americans United for Life Brief ......................
For Henry Wade: Dissenting Obstetricians’ Brief .......................
For Henry Wade: National Right to Life Committee Brief ..............
For Henry Wade: Women’s Brief ......................................
..................................................
...................................
..................................................................
..................................................
viii
FOREWORD
This book’s purpose is to recapture a time that is rapidly fading from memory.
During the years before January , , the day on which the Supreme Court
decided Roe v. Wade and proclaimed that the Constitution protected a woman’s
right to decide whether to bring a pregnancy to term, Americans conducted a
vigorous debate about abortion’s morality and meaning. It is obvious today that
the Supreme Court’s decision did not end this debate. Neither, of course, did the
Court start it—although public discussion of Roe v. Wade implies not infrequently
that it did. By the spring of , when the justices agreed to decide Roe—a case
challenging the constitutionality of a nineteenth-century Texas law that prohib-
ited all abortions except those necessary to save a woman’s life—the legal pipeline
was rapidly filling up with challenges to abortion laws from around the country.
By declaring unconstitutional laws that criminalized abortion in states across
the country, the decision in Roe v. Wade also swept away much of the collective
memory of what had gone before. Records of court cases that had taken years to
build were now rendered irrelevant, and transcripts of testimony once painstak-
ingly compiled were carelessly misled or discarded. And beyond the loss of paper
records, the Supreme Court decision itself proved a distorting lens through which
to look back on what had preceded it.
For example, the fact that neither women nor fetuses gured very prominently
in Roe v. Wade makes it plausible to assume that feminist voices and right-to-life
voices were simply missing, both from the arguments presented to the Supreme
Court and from the public conversation. In fact, feminist and right-to-life posi-
tions were passionately expressed in public debate and in friend-of-the-court
briefs led in Roe. Yet, the Supreme Court issued a decision that appeared mainly
responsive to the arguments of the medical community. In page aer page, Roe
reasoned from medical science, and in its main holding armed the autonomy of
FOREWORD ix
viii
doctors to act in what they believed to be the best interest of their patients. e
organized medical profession, which had spurred the criminalization of abortion
a century earlier, had come only lately to view the hundreds of thousands of illegal
abortions performed every year as a public health problem of urgent dimensions.
e Court responded to these medical voices—which the justices heard through
legal briefs and, more informally, through their reading and in their daily lives.
As this book demonstrates, doctors and public health advocates played an
important role in setting the nation on the road to Roe, but so too did movements
for human freedom. In the pages that follow, we trace how arguments for liberal-
izing abortion law in the name of public health gave way over time to claims of
the women’s movement seeking for women liberty, equality, and dignity: wom-
en’s right to control their own bodies and lives; to have their voices and decisions
treated with respect; and to participate as equals in private and public life. As the
women’s movement connected the abortion right to these larger claims of prin-
ciple, the abortion conict was constitutionalized. And these claims for repeal of
laws criminalizing abortion in turn moved other Americans to appeal to widely
held principles to defend the “right to life” of the unborn.
In this early period, the Catholic Church played a key role in helping mobilize
its members to vote in defense of laws criminalizing abortion and, as importantly,
to translate faith-based convictions about abortion into claims on secular forms
of authority. Newly organized right-to-life chapters invoked secular sources of
law, including the Declaration of Independence and international human rights
treaties, to assert the claim that life in the womb was fully human life, as fully
deserving of the state’s protection before birth as aer. And right-to-life advocates
appealed to the authority of science, incorporating newly available and widely pub-
lished photographs of developing fetuses into their arguments for preserving the
nineteenth-century statutes that criminalized abortion. e women’s movement
and the right-to-life movement shaped arguments made to the Court in Roe. But
the Court responded to these arguments only indirectly. Perhaps these movement
voices were suciently alien to the nine middle-aged-to-elderly men—eight Prot-
estants and one liberal Catholic—who decided Roe v. Wade that the Court simply
could not hear them. Or, more likely, the justices, hearing support for abortion’s
decriminalization from doctors, the bar, many religious leaders, and the rising tide
of public opinion, chose to emphasize these mainstream sources of authority in
Roe as oering a rmer basis for its decision than the nascent arguments of the
feminist and right-to-life movement, which the justices may have heard as voices
from the margins. Excerpts from the briefs led to the Court are included in this
BEFORE ROE V. WADEx
book so that readers can sample for themselves the range of arguments that were
being made for and against a right to abortion at the time the Court decided Roe.
is book does not oer a conventional history of a Supreme Court decision.
It does not trace the various legal doctrines on which the Court drew in deciding
Roe, nor does it follow litigation in the case from the ling of the complaint to its
ultimate disposition in the Supreme Court. Numerous other sources tell the story
of Roe v. Wade in narrative form, including David Garrow’s monumental Liberty
and Sexuality: e Right to Privacy and the Making of Roe v. Wade (nd edition,
) and Roe v. Wade: e Abortion Rights Controversy in American History by
E. H. Hull and Peter Charles Hoer (). rough the documents collected
here, our eort is rather to re-create the public conversations from which the case
emerged. In the years before the Court decided Roe, what had Americans been
doing and saying about abortion laws? With what other issues was abortion asso-
ciated? How did these conversations change the meaning and social signicance
of abortion and alter views about the proper role for the government in regulat-
ingit?
Although both of us believe that women should be free to decide for them-
selves whether and when to bear children, this is not a work of advocacy. Our pur-
pose in presenting original texts reecting many points of view is to permit readers
to come to their own informed conclusions about a consequential, but widely
misunderstood, chapter in American social, political, and legal history. Indeed,
while each of us has studied and written about the abortion issue for many years,
every path we traveled in our search for relevant and representative documents
enriched our own understanding of the period even as it raised new questions.
We found ourselves on a journey of discovery that took us to public and private
archives and that placed in our hands crumbling and long-forgotten legal docu-
ments retrieved from participants’ attics and basements. We heard the voices of
women and men—well-known, little-known, and completely unknown—calling
from across the years. It is a privilege to enable them to speak again in their own
words in these pages. We benetted from the generosity of those for whom the
right to abortion has been a lifelong cause—especially those who challenged Con-
necticut’s nineteenth-century abortion statute in the years before Roe—as well
as of two of the country’s most inuential opponents of abortion reform, Phyl-
lis Schlay and Dr. Jack Willke. We are grateful to all those who permitted us
to republish portions of their work. e result is a book that contains passionate
appeals from contending movements, weaving together arguments that were once
forged responsively.
FOREWORD xi
While our story does not oer a traditional legal history of Roe v. Wade, it
does situate the case in a decade-long national conversation over the question of
abortion’s decriminalization. e documents gathered in this book reconstruct
a debate about reform that begins within shared premises and then breaks their
bounds. Advocates progressively link questions concerning abortion law to wider
issues of social life and fundamental principles of justice. As advocates appeal to
principle and to dierent pictures of a just political order, they divide and grow
progressively more estranged from one another. ey begin to make claims on the
Constitution to make their positions audible to public ocials and to other citi-
zens whom they might persuade to join their cause. Conict is constitutionalized,
and we are on the road to Roe.
e book is organized in four parts. Part I collects documents that show both
the early stirrings of the abortion-reform movement and the eventual shi in goals
from reform to the outright repeal of the laws that made abortion a crime. is
part also demonstrates the reaction these developments produced among people
whose religious faith made abortion problematic or deeply immoral. It shows
the eorts of the opponents to develop secular arguments in order to mobilize a
broader constituency to join their cause. At the same time, the documents dem-
onstrate that there was no single religious view, just as there was no single view of
abortion among women or among members of either political party.
e documents in Part I tell a story about the roots of abortion reform in
the mid-twentieth century that surprised us in its complexity and uidity. e
motivation for challenging long-unexamined assumptions about restrictions on
abortion arose separately from distinct communities of interest. Medical science
proved better able to identify high-risk pregnancies, but doctors faced prosecu-
tion for helping women who feared that they should not bring a pregnancy to
term. Public health advocates increasingly raised concern about women killed and
injured by illegal abortions. Environmentalists began to warn of the consequences
of an unbridled “population explosion” and increasingly came to support sex edu-
cation, access to contraception, and the decriminalization of abortion.
e women’s movement came to the abortion cause from still another route.
Feminists sought to free women to participate fully and equally in the workplace,
calling for contraception and abortion rights that would give women control over
the timing of motherhood, at the same time that the movement sought public
support for child care. Only gradually, against the backdrop of the s’ under-
standing that sexual expression was a good independent of its procreative aims,
did abortion rights migrate to the top of the women’s rights agenda. At a time
BEFORE ROE V. WADExii
when abortion remained a crime in all states, feminists began to associate giving
women control over reproductive decisions, not simply with economic indepen-
dence, but also with respect for women’s decision-making authority. With this
shi in background understandings, securing reproductive rights now concerned
fundamental questions of dignity, promising women both practical and symbolic
forms of autonomy, and the capacity to lead equal and self-governing lives.
is set of reasons for changing abortion laws was very dierent from con-
cerns driving the public-health agenda. Feminist calls for repeal of nineteenth-
century abortion laws threatened to legitimize a practice about which many were
ambivalent and some believed to be deeply immoral, a violation of life and human
dignity. And the women’s movement did not only call for the decriminalization of
abortion to protect women from dangerous illegal procedures; feminists asserted
that women had the right to control their own bodies and lives, and claimed the
right to child care as well as to abortion so that women, no less than men, would
be able to participate fully in education, work, and politics. As abortion arguments
came to challenge fundamental features of the social order, the prospect of nding
common ground in the debate diminished.
e dierent arguments for reforming abortion law advanced during the
s proved inuential. As Part I shows, organized religions responded with a
range of views about the acceptability of abortion—a range of response that may
appear surprising in the contemporary political climate, when religious faith is
routinely assumed to equate to opposition to abortion. Some denominations sup-
ported liberalization, and there were individual clergy who organized, as a reli-
gious mission, to assist women in nding safe, even if illegal, abortions. A number
of denominations that today oppose abortion were in this period beginning, how-
ever tentatively, to open the door to reform.
But the Catholic Church opposed reform and opposed it ever more energeti-
cally the more audible cries for reform became. In the years before Roe, it was the
Church that planted and nurtured the seeds of the modern right-to-life move-
ment. Part I closes by surveying early expressions of opposition to abortion’s liber-
alization, considering both individual statements of conviction and the arguments
constructed by early leaders of an organized political movement as they worked to
translate religious convictions about the wrongs of abortion into claims rooted in
secular forms of authority that might speak to a wider audience.
As Part II shows, the appeal to principle escalated conict and gave it consti-
tutional form. In the American experience, once people start talking about rights
and the principles that should dene a just community, they are necessarily—even
FOREWORD xiii
if unconsciously—making claims on the Constitution itself. ey make claims on
the Constitution in the streets and in state legislatures. And when they are unable
to prevail in those domains, they turn to the courts.
Part II examines documents from the conict over liberalization of abortion
laws in the years just before Roe, featuring case studies from New York and Con-
necticut. In both states, litigation was entwined with developments in the state
legislatures. A case led in New York became moot when the legislature repealed
New York’s abortion law in , but not before the lawyers challenging the old
law framed a new and vigorous argument for the right to abortion based not
only on liberty, but also on the Constitution’s guarantee of equal protection. e
women’s movement successfully employed both liberty and equality arguments to
challenge Connecticut’s nineteenth-century abortion in federal court. ese early
victories in the New York legislature and Connecticut federal court prompted
counter-mobilization of right-to-life organizations that sought to reinstate the
abortion bans. e Connecticut legislature actually re-enacted the state’s abortion
ban, which the federal court again invalidated in a case that was on appeal to the
Supreme Court when the Court issued Roe v. Wade.
e case studies from New York and Connecticut oer a window on the
constitutionalization of the abortion conict, illustrating how the political argu-
ments of each side assumed legal form. e record of legislation and litigation in
these states is resurrected here from the category of cases that were largely lost to
memory in the aermath of Roe. Cases from Illinois, Louisiana, Missouri, North
Carolina, and Utah, as well as Connecticut, had all reached the Supreme Court
and were awaiting action when the Court issued its decision in Roe. Sometimes
depicted today as an historical aberration, the case that became Roe v. Wade was
in fact one ripple in a nationwide tide.
e documents in Part II show how the meaning of the abortion issue evolved
in the crucible of this increasingly profound debate, and close with a glimpse of
claims about abortion in the national arena in . An individual’s position on
abortion now conveyed membership in a community with common views on
social and political priorities, on the respective roles of men and women, on the
appropriate trajectory for women’s lives, on the structure of society itself. Well
before the justices took their seats on the bench to announce the decision in Roe
v. Wade, a backlash engendered by the success that the reform movement had
already achieved was already building, attracting the attention of alert strategists
for the national political parties in the presidential campaign.
Part III presents excerpts from the briefs that lawyers for “Jane Roe” and for
BEFORE ROE V. WADExiv
Dallas County District Attorney Henry Wade led in the Supreme Court. We
have not included the decision itself, largely for reasons of space. While we might
have included excerpts from the -page majority opinion, as well as from the three
concurring and two dissenting opinions, excerpts are necessarily selective, and,
given the ease of nding the decision on the Internet, we encourage readers to
tackle it themselves. In its place, we have included the text of the announcement
that the decision’s author, Justice Harry A. Blackmun, made from the bench on
the morning of January , , in which he outlined the decision and explained
what he thought the Court had accomplished. (Excerpts from briefs led by amici
curiae (“friends of the Court”) for both sides are presented in the fourth section of
the book, a separate appendix.)
An aerword discusses Roe and its aermath and explores the deepest para-
dox the decision presents: why the Supreme Court’s ratication of a reform that
had wide public acceptance has been followed by decades of strife. Was Roe the
moving cause of that conict or, instead, a symbol that emerged from it? e doc-
uments this book collects precede the Court’s decision and thus reveal the gram-
mar of the conict that produced Roe.
In fact, the conict over abortion leading up to Roe has much to teach us about
the logic of the abortion conict that still rages today. e history we examine in
this book provides an opportunity to look at the abortion debate at a time when
the Supreme Court played no signicant role. In a sense, our material oers some-
thing of a natural science experiment, providing an opportunity to explore the
dynamic of the abortion conict in the absence of judicial review. Although the
intense polarization over abortion is oen attributed to the Court’s intervention,
the materials in this book document that the escalation of conict over abortion
preceded Roe and was led by other actors. Even as abortion’s liberalization gained
in popularity, Catholic leaders and laity mobilized to block reform in New York
and other jurisdictions. Further, despite general Republican support for liberaliza-
tion, leading Republican Party strategists saw the abortion debate as an oppor-
tunity to court traditionally Democratic-voting, socially conservative Catholics;
consequently, these strategists encouraged President Nixon, running for reelection
in , to oppose abortion on moral and cultural grounds. In short, here and
elsewhere we see the incentives that contributed to polarization at a point before
the Court decided Roe.
Intrigued by what our materials on the pre-Roe period might teach about
the abortion dispute today, we continued our research during the year aer the
book’s publication. With this question as our guide, we unearthed documents
from before and aer the decision that illustrate how politics played at least as
great a role in shaping the adjudication of abortion rights as the adjudication of
those rights played in shaping politics. We published our ndings in an article
entitled Before (and Aer) Roe v. Wade: New Questions About Backlash, which
appeared in the Yale Law Journal in June .We include the article in this second
edition as a new Aerword beginning on page .
Linda Greenhouse and Reva B. Siegel, and
PART I
Reform, Repeal,
Religion and Reaction
INTRODUCTION
In the early s, the practice of abortion was prohibited by criminal law through-
out the United States, but the forces that would prompt change had begun to
appear.
Abortion had been outlawed for at least a century, except as necessary to
save a pregnant woman’s life or, in a few jurisdictions, to preserve her health. e
organized medical profession, which led the eort to criminalize abortion in the
mid-th century, still opposed liberalizing abortion laws. But specialists in pub-
lic health were beginning to raise alarms about the health consequences of ille-
gal abortion, obtained by an estimated one million American women every year.
Increasingly, Americans recoiled from the harms that laws criminalizing abortion
inicted on women and their families.
Several streams of concern fed the growing public sense that criminalization
of abortion was wrong—at least in certain cases. A German measles epidemic in
that resulted in the birth of thousands of babies with serious disabilities,
along with one pregnant woman’s highly publicized encounter with alidomide,
a drug that caused devastating harm to a developing fetus, made abortion a topic
of media attention and public conversation as never before.
ere was new attention paid by public health authorities, the media, and
local prosecutors to the injuries that illegal abortionists inicted on women,
particularly on poor women who lacked the connections necessary to obtain an
authorized abortion and the money needed to travel to Japan, England, Sweden, or
other countries that had legalized abortion. e invention of oral contraception,
“the Pill,” in helped make control over the timing and spacing of parent-
hood feasible, acceptable, and, for some, even ethically required, in turn altering
sexual mores and leading to public concern about “unwanted babies.” By the end
of the decade, a growing movement for women’s liberation advanced the claim for
“repeal” of abortion laws, as part of a more broad-based challenge to traditional
sexual mores and family roles.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
While no single narrative explains the shi in public consciousness, it is clear
that increasingly, Americans came to believe that, at least in some cases, abortion
ought to be permitted. e elite reaches of the legal profession began to advocate
reform of abortion laws. e American Law Institute proposed a model statute
that authorized committees of doctors to evaluate a woman’s reasons for seek-
ing an abortion and to grant permission if the woman’s situation met specied
criteria. By the end of the decade, state legislatures would relax their crimi-
nal prohibitions and enact all or part of the institute’s reform model. Four other
states—three by legislation and one by public referendum—would act by the end
of to eliminate all or nearly all restrictions on access to abortion.
Organized religion responded to these signs of change in dierent ways. Some
denominations supported the cause of change, and liberal members of the clergy
formed a network to help women nd safe, even if illegal, abortions. Other Protes-
tant denominations sat on the sidelines. e Catholic Church, however, alarmed
by the spread of new mores and riven by internal dispute over whether and how to
enforce its longstanding prohibition on the use of contraception, began to focus on
abortion. By the decade’s end, as forces mobilized in support of liberalizing abor-
tion laws, the Church began to make increasingly visible and organized eorts to
block reform—rst speaking in religious registers and then shiing to secular and
nondenominational grounds for opposing abortion. Catholic legal scholars began
calling on secular sources of law from which to argue for a legally protected right
to life for the unborn.
Even as the Church was beginning to organize the right-to-life movement,
support for liberalizing abortion was emerging from sources that would fatefully
change abortion’s social meaning and expression. In the mid-s, an increas-
ingly invigorated women’s movement was training its attention on discrimination
in the workplace and had not yet assigned a high priority to giving women the
right to control their reproductive lives. But by the decade’s end, feminists had
begun to frame a right to abortion as essential both to women’s autonomy and to
their full participation in economic and political life.
In short, debate about abortion in the mid-s had many moving and
intersecting parts, oering a snapshot of a society on the cusp of change, as the
documents collected in Part I reect. In what follows, we present voices from that
debate as it unfolded over the course of the decade, as the winds of reform became
a demand for repeal of the old laws, in turn generating an increasingly strategic
and politicized reaction from those opposed to change.
INTRODUCTION
Our documents are organized thematically rather than strictly chronologi-
cally. We endeavor to reconstruct a national conversation that endowed abortion
with weighty and increasingly contradictory social and political meanings that
over the course of the decade began to crowd out the space available for consensus
and compromise.
REFORM
Letter to the Society for Humane Abortion
e rst two documents are om the les of the Society for Humane Abortion, founded
in California in . e group was small, but it made an impact through such activities
as publicly advertising sessions in private homes at which women could learn techniques
of self-abortion. (A Chicago-based group known as Jane was created later in the decade.
At rst, it referred women for safe, although illegal abortions; women were instructed to
call a telephone number and ask for “Jane.” Later, members of the group began perform-
ing abortions themselves in private apartments.)
Women who had nowhere else to turn sought help om these organizations. is
letter appeared in the August newsletter (vol. , no. ) of the Society for Humane
Abortion, which published it with the writer’s name withheld. At the age of , the
letter-writer was passionate in her conviction that she faced social and economic ruin if
forced to carry her unwanted pregnancy to term. For many today, the stigma of unwed
motherhood and illegitimacy may be a distant memory, but this letter is a reminder
of the personal crisis that the situation once created, driving desperate women to the
danger of the back alley.
I have the money (up to a certain amount) but not the influence I need. I have
gone from doctor to doctor and told my sad little tale, spent endless sums on
shots, pills, gasoline, more shots, pills and more gasoline and nothing has hap-
pened: my sad tale is that I am (old enough to know better, so I am told), not
married, no chance for marriage, will lose my job, house, car, if I am forced by
law to go thru with this pregnancy—a simple operation would solve my problem,
and I know how simple it is, as I have worked for doctors and seen it done legally
under our laws.
I attempted suicide once and have attempted to abort myself but knowing
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
anatomy and what I could do to myself have, unfortunately, been overcautious and
nothing has resulted....
I hesitate to write because if this is against the law then how could you help me
unless you know a doctor who would really help me....
Since I don’t intend to go thru this I gure an illegal abortion is my only out
of suicide. So what to do—I want to live just like anyone else but I won’t live thru
this...feeling like my back is to the wall and no place to go but down....
Please help me.
Printed by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Institute for Advanced Study,
Harvard University, Society for Humane Abortion Collection, MC , box , folder .
“Rush” Procedure for Going to Japan
e Society for Humane Abortion kept lists of doctors who were willing to help, and
referred thousands of women for abortions. Japan, where abortion became legal in the
late s, was a destination of choice for women om the West Coast who could aord
the trip. is list of instructions for getting an abortion in Japan, poorly typed on two
pages, carries no identifying information, so the source of the advice is unknown. But the
specicity of the instructions for organizing the trip om San Francisco to Tokyo suggests
that this is a journey that many women undertook. e Society for Humane Abortion
claimed to have sent , women out of the country for abortions. Mexico and Japan
were destinations for women on the West Coast. East Coast women with money and
the right connections could go to Puerto Rico, England, or Scandinavia. Numbers are
dicult to come by, but abortions obtained overseas were undoubtedly a small action
of the illegal abortions that women obtained by the hundreds of thousands every year.
(See the article by Mary Steichen Calderone, M.D. in this section, page .)
.. .
. Obtain three passport photos: is required for passport, extra are to carry
with extra copy of birth certicate as identication. Cost is . plus tax.
ere are or . photo shops around the Federal Building and it takes about
hour to get the photos.
. Take copy of birth certicate, photos and in cash or check to passport ser-
vice oce in Federal Building on Golden Gate near Van Ness. Fill out request
form and give them the photo and birth certicate and money. Have some
form of identication such as a driver’s license, or someone to vouch for you
REFORM
that you are who the birth certicate says you are. If they want to know why
you want to get the passport in a hurry, tell them you are meeting a tour group
in Japan and you didn’t know you could go till just now. Passport should be
ready at : .. Wednesday.
. Get smallpox shot and have the health card signed and stamped by doctor;
you also need the vaccine batch number on the card. Take the card to the
S.F. Health Dept. (Rm. , building at Hayes and Larkin), and for they
will stamp it for you. All this can be done on Monday aer taking care of the
passport. You may be able to get the shot free at the Public Health Dept.
. Go to Japan Air Lines ticket oce at Powell and O’Farrell and book economy
fare round trip ticket to Tokyo ( to depending on season). Book for
ursday or Friday. (ere are ights daily, one at about : .. and the
other : ..: the latter is better as it arrives in Tokyo at : .. Tokyo
time, while the other arrives around .. Tokyo time. Book open return in
San Francisco.
e ticket must be paid for by about .. the day before the ight. Bank of
Tokyo on Sutter Street in S.F. may nance the fare (): you pay down
on a -to- month pay back plan. If you are local, a credit check will take
about hours and you have to hand-carry the application blank to the bank,
stay on top of them every day to see it goes through, and then make arrange-
ments with the bank and JAL to hand-carry the travel loan check from the
bank to the airline to get it all completed from Monday .. to Wednesday
aernoon. If the bank mails the check to the JAL oce it will take at least
one extra day to get the money for your ticket.
. When you are fairly certain of your arrival time, phone the doctor direct and
discuss your case with him and get a price quoted. He will talk rst and then
switch you to his cashier. Try to get the price reduced. Tell them you are a stu-
dent or a poor working girl and don’t have much money. Phone again or cable
before your departure, giving name, JAL or PanAm ight number, date and
Tokyo time of arrival, as they will be expecting you at the clinic in a couple of
hours aer your arrival.
Call blank [Here, the notation “Dr. ” was hand-written on the instruc-
tions] about or .. S.F. time. Your call will reach him in the morning at a
reasonable time. Dr. will ask your blood type; this is necessary, because Japan
doesn’t have large quantities of negative blood.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
. Tuesday at .. (they close at :) call the passport oce to see if you
can pick up your passport at : .. on Wednesday. If it is ready pick it
up Wednesday .. Sign it on page two and take it to the Japan Consulate
Oce in the l block on Post street (at Laguna) at the Japan Trade Center.
ey will stamp in their visa free of charge. You have to ll out a one-page
questionnaire as to who you are and why you want to go to Japan. If you are
under age you may have to make up a fake name and address (use the Palace
Hotel in Tokyo) as someone who will be responsible for you while in Japan. If
questioned, you are going on vacation and this is the name of a relative or tour
leader you are going to be with. Visa should take about hour; no charge. Be
at airport hour before ight time. Have passport, shot record, birth certi-
cate, and extra photos.
. When you arrive in Tokyo airport, go immediately to JAL ticket oce and
book ight for the th day or so (you must give the airline hours recon-
rming notice, so have the doctor notify you of your progress so you can give
notice to the airline). JAL phone number is on the ticket; dial direct. Dial
tone sounds like our busy signal.
. Bank of Tokyo at the Tokyo airport is open hours a day, so you can change
U.S. money there. Dr. Blank will take U.S. travelers’ checks.
. Change your money in Tokyo going and coming as you get a better rate.
. ere is an American-speaking information booth right outside of customs
at Tokyo airport. Ask them to direct you to the taxi stand. If the taxi driver
doesn’t speak English make signs that he is to phone the number listed for the
clinic and get directions. If he doesn’t get the directions the rst time, stay
with it until he does, then he will deliver you to the door. Be sure you have
about U.S., in yen to pay for the taxi both ways. If you don’t understand
the money, just hold out some bills and coins and he will take just what is
needed. ey are very honest and there is no tipping in Japan for this type of
service. A U.S. dollar = (yen). e taxis in Tokyo are metered so you know
what to pay. By all means stay o the street car, buses, or subway as you are
bound to get lost. Take a taxi only, directly to and from the airport and clinic.
. Coming back, the .. ight is non-stop to S.F. and you go through customs
in S.F. e .. ight stops in Hawaii and you go through customs there:
this means getting o the plane and standing around the airport for about ½
hours. Customs will ask you the usual questions of where were you, what did
REFORM
you buy, and how long you were out of the U.S. If they say anything about
how short the time is, you can tell them you had a cablegram that there was a
death or sickness in the family and you had to cut your vacation short.
Printed by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Institute for Advanced Study,
Harvard University, Society for Humane Abortion Collection, MC , box , folder .
The Lesser of Two Evils
by Sherri Chessen Finkbine
In Sherri Chessen Finkbine, host of
a popular children’s television program in
Phoenix, was pregnant with a much-wanted
h child when she learned that the sleep-
ing pill she had been taking was linked to
an epidemic of babies being born in Europe
without arms or legs. e drug contained tha-
lidomide, which her husband had acquired
by prescription while on a business trip to
England. It was popular in Europe but had
not yet received federal approval for sale in
the United States.
Her doctor recommended abortion. What
followed became an international drama. A
coer story in Life magazine on August ,
, depicted Mrs. Finkbine wrestling with
“the wracking moral question of abortion” as
she packed a suitcase to leave the country. Mrs.
Finkbine’s plight, along with shocking photo-
graphs of limbless babies, some , of whom
had been born to women who took the drug
in early pregnancy, sparked widespread pub-
lic discussion for the rst time about whether
it made sense under such a circumstance for
abortion to be treated as a crime. e conver-
sation took place in the nation’s heartland as
well as its more liberal coasts.
“Must a woman bring a monster
into the world because the law
Printed by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie
Institute for Advanced Study, Harvard University, Society for
Humane Abortion Collection, MC , folder .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
chooses to be blind?” the Tulsa Tribune asked in an editorial, which then answered
its own question: “Here is need for common sense.” Over the course of the decade, this
rationale for liberalizing access to abortion would provoke increasing debate.
On January , , Mrs. Finkbine recounted her experience at a conference in
San Francisco on “abortion and human dignity,” sponsored by the Society for Humane
Abortion.
I speak to you today not as a doctor who can give medical insights into the dangers
of illegal abortion nor as a lawyer who can speak on the absurdities of our archaic
laws. I speak not as a religious person with dogma decrying the murderous aspects
of the subject. I speak to you rather as a person who is much more deeply involved
than any of those people could ever be. I speak to you as a mother who desperately
needed a pregnancy terminated. I can truthfully say to you that an abortion was to
me a very sad, ugly experience but definitely the lesser of two evils.
ree and a half years ago I discovered that I had inadvertently while pregnant
taken a drug that would force me to give birth to a limbless child, a child, as it
turned out, that would be just a head and a torso. Believe me, the thought now,
years later, still makes my heart pound and gives me shivers all over. Faced with
what at that time was an unfortunate choice on either hand, my husband and I
chose what we considered under the circumstances to be the most humane course
of action. We could not knowingly bring a grossly deformed baby into the world
to suer. Also, we had at that time four small children all under the age of years
to consider. What would giving birth to a grossly deformed baby do to their lives?
I think any mother listening to me now knows that the desire to protect your chil-
dren is a very, very strong trait in a woman. We had no religious convictions that
preordained any answers for it. Newsmen would hound me with the question: Did
I think the fetus had a soul?
To tell you the honest truth, I had never even thought of it before. It sounds
almost too wholesome to be true, but I grew up in a family of ve children. I had
been an avid Girl Scout, camper, playground director, and camp counselor before
I met my husband at the University of Wisconsin. He was a football player major-
ing in history and I was a cheer leader. It sounds like some True Story but it really
is. I was majoring in radio and TV and we got married while we were still in col-
lege and spent the summer aer graduation teaching swimming to children at a
co-educational camp.
Aer two years in the service Bob settled down to teaching more children
and I decided to have six children. Between babies I did manage to get into the
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eld for which I had studied. And our discussion of pregnancy and babies at that
time never seemed to extend beyond the fact that we had the normal concern for
healthy children and his wondering if I really did crave onion rings and the fact
that we were rapidly running out of names. We were what I would call very child-
oriented. It was in fact this love of children that brought the world in on us. Bob
and two other teachers took high school students on a tour through Europe one
summer, and at the trip’s inception in England he felt the need for something to
help him rest. e doctor in England gave him a prescription for some little pills
which he subsequently barely used as the pressures and responsibilities of the trip
lessened. He carried them in his camera case all summer and when he came home
set them up on a shelf in a kitchen cupboard.
As someone who has lived through
½
months and days of pregnancy,
I can honestly tell you that morning sickness is a very real thing, except that it’s
not always conned to the morning. I was doing at this time a TV program for
and with preschool children. I think you have the program in San Francisco; it
was called Romper Room. I had small children to care for and I was, as always,
trying every anti-nausea drug or shot my doctor could think of. One day I decided
that if a tranquilizer could calm you down why couldn’t it calm down the queasi-
ness of a pregnant tummy? I was wrong; I take every blame for it. I know most
doctors kill patients like me, but I took someone else’s prescribed medicine. But
never, never in a million, zillion years did I ever dream that a little white pill could
actually destroy potential life.
Not too many weeks aer I started doing this I read on page of our local
paper a little, tiny wire-press story on England’s desire to practice abortion on
mothers who had taken what they called in the article a sleeping pill, or even more
horrible, practice euthanasia on the grotesque babies that were being born because
of the drug. Well, I read it, my heart cried in empathy, and I thought no more
about it. e next day a similar story appeared still receiving no real dominance,
but this time the drug was called a tranquilizer. Instantly of course, I thought
about those little brown bottles and asked my doctor to check them out. He sent
a wire to the pharmacy and I sat in his oce and he read the wire to me. He said,
“Sherri, if you were my own wife, I’d tell you the exact same thing. e odds for
a normal baby are so against you that I am recommending termination of preg-
nancy.” At that time it seemed very simple to me. He explained that from to
therapeutic abortions were done every year in Phoenix. I had only to write a
little note to a three-doctor medical board explaining my reasons for wanting the
operation. I asked him what we could do if they didn’t approve it, and he said,
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
“Don’t worry, it’s already approved. I’ve already spoken with them.” at was Sat-
urday and the operation was set for ursday. To show you how naïve I was, I even
requested a bed in St. Joseph’s Hospital! I had had my last baby there and I liked it
there. And this is what I knew about it.
At that point I really felt that they would be taking a part of me. I was two
months pregnant and the baby seemed very, very unreal to me. But by my own
hand, seeking to help others, I turned the whole thing into a really black, unfor-
gettable experience. I know it sounds altruistic and pollyanna-ish now, but the
next day I began thinking how a little article was going to help our family avert a
real and life-long tragedy. Naturally the thought came to me that if I’d obtained
alidomide it was conceivable that others had done so. In fact a contingent of
Arizona National Guardsmen had been in Germany that whole past year, the
Wall had just gone up that last August, and that is where the drug was rst manu-
factured. It was this concern that made me pick up the telephone the next morn-
ing—it was Sunday—and call Ed Murray who is the editor of the Arizona paper.
Incidentally, his own son was with Bob in England when he got the pills; he was
one of the high school students on tour. He wasn’t home but I spoke with Mrs.
Murray and she agreed that some warning should indeed be published and asked
me if their medical reporter, who was preparing an article on alidomide, could
phone me. I said yes if he wouldn’t use my name and she assured me that he would
not. So I agreed.
Well, the paper kept their promise, but rather than merely an article warning
of the drug, the front-page, black-bordered story screamed in bold print: “Baby-
deforming drug may cost woman her child here.” Well, that did it. e story went
out on the wire and before the day was two hours along it stirred international
interest. London was debating the alidomide problem, and here were examples
of what their drug was doing in what to them, I am sure, was the remotest corner
of the United States. Well, bathed in the merciless glare of national publicity, the
doctors cancelled the operation. From this point on they put me in a little hospi-
tal bed, and when everybody asks me when did you decide to do this and when
did you decide to petition the court, I can truthfully say that I didn’t do much
deciding. All I did was a lot of arguing as to why I couldn’t get out of there, but
to no avail. e surgery, they felt at that point, could be challenged by any citizen.
Anyone could have gone to the prosecuting attorney and the doctor, the hospital
and myself could face criminal prosecution no matter how noble or how right
we felt our justication was. So the hospital board and the doctors and lawyers
and everyone conferred. ey felt the existing laws were so vague—what did “life”
REFORM
mean in the term “necessary to save the life of the mother”? ey decided that to
gain judicial clarity the hospital would petition the Supreme Court of Arizona for
a declaratory judgment prior to doing this.
at’s when our names became a matter of court—and thus public—record,
and we were swept from there into a ridiculous maelstrom of newsprint. e case
was dismissed in court without a hearing. e judge related minutes of legal ter-
minology and concluded with the words: “As a human being, I would like to hear
the case; as a judge under existing Arizona law, I cannot.” ere is an interesting
postscript that lawyers especially may appreciate, and I have to be careful because
a very dear friend of mine who is a lawyer in Phoenix is listening. e young attor-
neys who were handling the case passed by the rst judge who was supposed to sit
on the case because he was the only judge before whom my lawyer had ever lost
a case; later on he found out that this judge would have been very sympathetic
because he had raised a Mongoloid sister.
Now we faced a blank wall in the United States because of the publicity. We
had thousands of letters from people giving all sorts of advice and oering an in-
nite variety of aids, some perhaps new even to doctors here. For instance, a man
told me that for cents I could get a dandy abortion—to go out and get a pint
of agua ammonia but dilute it, because he said raw ammonia would loosen a rusty
bolt in ve minutes. (And I can think of a great pun, which I won’t give you.) But
he didn’t say whether to drink the ammonia or sit in it, so I thought I’d better not
try. A roller coaster ride was prescribed; smelling turpentine fumes; a hypnotist
from Berkeley claimed that he could hypnotize me into an abortion, over the tele-
phone yet; a skydiver oered me the thrill of my life and a miscarriage as well. And
these people were sincere, honestly, they really believed it. (I know me, I’d break
my leg and keep the baby!)
From New York came the advice of two quarts of gin for three days with
hot baths, hard work, no food and no sleep. ere was advice of doctors to see in
Beaver Dam, Milwaukee, Georgia, Chicago, Los Angeles, Juarez, Puerto Rico, in
practically every city and you’d be surprised at some of the places that were rec-
ommended. A doctor from New York oered to do the operation for in an
airplane, thereby out of the state’s jurisdiction, he said.
e actual horror of the situation was brutally compounded for me by the
thousands of pieces of hate mail we received. It is unbelievable really that so much
hate could be spewed in the name of religion. e worst letters—and I do admit
that I am overly sensitive and always have been, but the worst ones were those that
threatened the lives of my husband and my children. How people can be so unfeel-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
ing towards thousands of hungry, needy, homeless babies yet so concerned with
the welfare of one obscure mass of tissue just absolutely amazed me.
e Vatican newspaper passed judgment on us, although we are not Catholic,
and they pronounced us in very bold print as murderers. Other letters screamed
at us, “I hope someone takes the other four and strangles them because it is all
the same thing.” From Long Beach somebody told me, “I hope God punishes you
for your murderous sin.” A Chicago minister warned me that it was his duty as
God’s holy prophet to inform us that God would pour his wrath upon us and
our family if we failed to heed Him. e letters that sobbed unbridled emotion
always got to me. I’m sure you have all read the tragic diary told from the point
of view of the unborn child whose mother has an abortion. I received thousands
and thousands of letters like this one from Arkansas. It said: “Mommy, please,
dear mommy, let me live. Please, please, I want to live. Let me love you, let me see
the light of day, let me smell a rose, let me sing a song, let me look into your face,
let me say mommy.”
I had to keep vehemently and rationally and intellectually—I still do today—
telling myself and reassuring myself that life begins with the rst breath we take as
indeed it ends with the last. But in the condition that people forced me into then,
I really did have many moments of doubt. We tried so desperately to do what was
right, yet thousands of people sought to judge for us and their sickening letters are
something that I’ve had a hard time forgetting.
From Miami somebody wrote, “You are a killer. uit advocating death.”
From Keysport, Pennsylvania, a cartoon showing an embryo cowering from a big
knife which was of course labeled abortion and tacked to it a small card reading:
“I curse you and curse you and curse you and everything you do the rest of your
lthy life.” And there were some far worse than that, believe me. Another stated
his greatest desire would be to shoot me and my children. Another placed a black
curse on us. Another accused me of starting to campaign for the legalization of
unnecessary abortion so that girls who wanted to lead immoral lives could get
their babies murdered legally by the thousands....
When we found ourselves unable to get help in the United States we were
forced to go overseas. Dr. Newman this morning called it self-imposed exile. I had
never thought of it that way. It sounds kind of cruel but we really had no choice at
that point. I knew that I was right in terminating the pregnancy. I felt that if any
group felt I owed the world a baby I could start all over the next month and give
them a nice, bright, healthy one. And also I vehemently refused to do something
illegally that I felt was right. My doctor recommended that we go to Japan as being
REFORM
the easiest and unbound by a lot of red tape. But Japan, afraid of anti-Japanese
demonstrations by Americans who opposed us, would not give us a visa....
We then remembered a phone call we had received from the medical journal-
ist of Sweden’s largest newspaper oering to arrange an appointment with a Swed-
ish physician. Approval in Sweden is not automatic. ey had granted , out of
, requests the previous year. My husband and I would have to have two visits
each with the social worker, two with the psychiatrist and I would have to see an
obstetrician; they spared him that interview. ey could also have asked me to wait
until the th week, and that would have been in weeks more) to have the fetus
X-rayed. If all went as planned in Sweden the necessary reports could be assembled
in a week’s time and submitted to the board for another week’s study. e doctors
there were extremely thorough with intensive, probing questions in sessions that
lasted hours. I’ll never forget what to me were the very comforting words of one
lady doctor. She said, “is intense procedure in the long run will prove good for
you. e burden of decision is no longer with you alone. Very wise and thorough
medical people now share your problem. You are in their hands and the responsi-
bility of deciding is now shared.” A ten-man medical board that I never saw pon-
dered the question for a week and I know a simple decision was impossible. We
had to consider the enormous publicity. If they granted our request, Sweden could
become a beacon to expectant mothers and I know the government and medical
profession in Sweden didn’t want this to happen. We could therefore have wound
up as a kind of political football and have been sacriced for the overall Swedish
image. Well, aer a week’s waiting that seemed like an eternity, the board did
grant its approval.
In retrospect, going through this complex procedure did, as the doctor pre-
dicted, prove for me to be a positive thing. I was also comforted by the very real-
istic attitude of the Swedish people. ey are unbound there by religious dogma.
ey could scarcely believe that a country that was literally reaching for the moon
could be so archaic and unable to help their citizens in need. A typical example of
Swedish attitude was expressed by my doctor aer the operation. Groggily I made
the mistake of asking him, as I had done so oen in the past, was the baby a boy or
a girl, and he decisively stated that it was not a baby—it was an abnormal growth
that would never be a normal child.
Upon returning to the United States I found the TV station thought it best
I not work with the little children on television. I also lost several accounts for
which I had done the TV commercials. Aer several months the station gave me
minutes in the aernoon to do an interview-type show. However, I was to do
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
nothing controversial and nothing too thought-provoking or deep. At least one
high-positioned person in the station believed I had done something murderous
and hoped that the program would remain unsponsored and thus die a natural
death. But rather it caught on, became sponsored, and they had to extend the
time.... [W]hen I did become pregnant again, it was a very graceful excuse for the
station to ease me o the air without alienating those people who thought I had
done the right thing.
I could have remained silent that fateful Sunday back in , but knowing
myself, I don’t think I ever would have rested knowing that an apathetic attitude
on my part had let babies go on being born without arms, legs, and God knows
what deformities. If by speaking out against the drug I prevented even one baby
from this type of birth and one mother the heartbreak of seeing it born, then my
hurt has been small indeed. en too I hope that our case serves as a catalyst of
sorts for abortion reform in our country. I think it pointed up a real human need
and forced people to at least talk about it and face the issue. I still get at least three
calls a week mostly from mothers with daughters in trouble, and the sadness of
some of the situations is shattering. Everyone is powerless to help them and they
grasp in their dire desperation for any straw in the wind.
I’m thankful that President Kennedy issued a national plea in ’ to throw
away any foreign pills from medicine cabinets; that was my initial aim and it was
achieved. He also increased the personnel of the Food and Drug Administration,
and many drug laws now have been tightened to prevent such tragedies in the
future.
I’m thankful that my own children were really too young to understand what
went on that awful summer, or were bright enough not to be overly inquisitive
if they did understand. I always had a very, very deep feeling for compensation
aer the abortion. And to show you how God did feel about the entire matter,
just months ago we welcomed the most beautiful, lovely, perfect, normal baby
I’ve ever seen.
ank you.
Published by permission of Sherri Chessen and of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Insti-
tute for Advanced Study, Harvard University, Society for Humane Abortion Collection,
MC , box , folder .
REFORM
Abortion: The Law and the Reality in
by Jane E. Hodgson, M.D.
Dr. Jane E. Hodgson (–) was an obstetrician and gynecologist in Saint Paul,
Minnesota. Driven by her belief that abortion, even if illegal, was nonetheless sometimes
consistent with the “highest standards of medical practice,” in she performed an
abortion on a -year-old patient who had contracted German measles early in preg-
nancy. Although the disease carried a high likelihood of serious injury to the fetus—an
epidemic in the s had resulted in tens of thousands of babies born deaf, blind, or
with heart defects or mental retardation—Minnesota law at the time permitted abor-
tion only to save a pregnant woman’s life. e operation that Dr. Hodgson performed
was therefore illegal.
Dr. Hodgson had gone to federal court in advance of the procedure to get a rul-
ing enabling her to proceed. But the judge declined to act immediately, and with her
patient’s pregnancy advancing, Dr. Hodgson went ahead with the abortion and then
notied the authorities. As she expected, she was arrested and, aer a trial in state
court, was convicted and sentenced to days in jail and a year’s probation. Her sentence
was suspended to enable her to appeal, and while her appeal was pending, the Supreme
Court decided Roe v. Wade.
e following excerpt is om an article Dr. Hodgson published in the Mayo Clinic’s
alumni magazine on the eve of her trial. She had trained at the clinic, in Rochester,
Minnesota, on a postgraduate fellowship, and retained many ties there. Her case received
widespread attention. e Rochester Post-Bulletin reprinted her article in full in its
issue of November , . Following her conviction, the Minneapolis Tribune pub-
lished an editorial praising her for bringing a “courageous and dignied test case” that
shed light on the country’s “anachronistic abortion laws.”
I am probably the only Mayo alumnus with the dubious distinction of having been
arraigned and tried for committing a felony. I am constantly asked: What motivat-
ing factors led to a situation where I have been arraigned on an abortion charge and
am at present awaiting trial? Have I always felt so strongly about abortion reform?
As an otherwise law-abiding citizen with the utmost respect for the law, my
reply is that my attitude has gradually evolved during years of practicing obstet-
rics and gynecology.... My complete reversal of attitude has been gradual—a reed-
ucation, perhaps—and the direct result of years of frustration in attempting to
provide a high grade of medical care under an archaic and cruel law.
....
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
I cannot equate therapeutic abortion prior to weeks with murder. Call it
feticide if you will, but its purpose and end result are the same as those of contra-
ception and sterilization, both of which have become acceptable to most oppo-
nents of abortion law reform. Feticide is merely intervention in the continuum of
life for the sake of quality....
As doctors, we all tend to be rigid and moralistic. Instead, we should strive
to be more humanistic, more involved with the needs of society and individual
patient, rather than passing supercial judgments. ere is no room for a punitive
attitude toward the woman with the unwanted pregnancy.
Should the -year-old victim of incest be punished?... Should the relatively
innocent college girl who underestimates the power of alcohol and becomes preg-
nant during a casual date be “punished” to the degree of being forced to give up
her college education and social standing, bringing untold hardships on her fam-
ily? Or should her punishment be a trip to a criminal abortionist, with resultant
sterility a strong possibility? What about the housewife with several children, liv-
ing precariously on a marginal income, who has a contraceptive failure in spite of
conscientious use?...
otherwise, I have the greatest respect for the law
and have performed very few so-called “legal” abortions—not over a dozen, per-
haps, in years. It is not the ones I have performed that bother me; rather it is the
ones I refused to perform that have haunted me.
....
I have persuaded many patients to continue their pregnancies; I would con-
tinue to do so regardless of the law when such a course seemed to be in the patient’s
best interest. A doctor must always be able to choose the proper course for the
patient, or to guide the patient to make the choice. A competent physician—not a
legislator—is in the best position to decide. If the patient does not agree with the
physician, hopefully, she is free to choose another....
A suitable test case might help to illustrate the cruelty of our present system
and hasten a declaratory judgment of unconstitutionality or help to prod the leg-
islature in .
So when Mrs. John Doe, already a mother of three, appeared in my oce
on April , , having contracted German measles during her fourth week of
pregnancy, I did not send her to England or Mexico or Montreal. She could have
aorded it—but what about future patients who could not? She could have been
aborted here in a local hospital with proper consultations (nothing would have
REFORM
been said)—but what about the next case? And what about respect for law? We
both knew we could not dodge the issue.
erefore, two days later, the Federal District Court was asked for a declara-
tory judgment on the constitutionality of our law and for an injunction to prevent
my prosecution by the state....
When it became obvious that no judicial help was forthcoming, the abortion
was performed on April , , in the best interests of my patient, with consulta-
tions having been obtained from my colleagues....
I was indicted by the grand jury and the legal battle was begun....
I feel condent that the battle is already won.
As far as my legal problem is concerned, no matter how long it requires, I am
certain as to the ultimate outcome. e cause is just. Repeal of the old law is inevi-
table. Some day, abortion will be a humane medical service, not a felony.
Excerpted from the October issue of the Mayo Alumnus, pp. –. Printed by permis-
sion of the Mayo Clinic, First Street SW, Rochester, MN .
Dr. Hodgson’s Affidavit
Following is an excerpt om the statement Dr. Hodgson led in the Minnesota state
district court in Saint Paul in support of her motion to dismiss the indictment. In her
adavit, she swore under oath:
That your Affiant [Dr. Hodgson] firmly believed it to be her professional, ethical,
and moral duty to her patient to perform the abortion to prevent a fetal defor-
mity....
....at your Aant was aware of the existing law, having had to decline
almost daily requests over the years, many of which were medically or psychiatri-
cally indicated but illegal under the law; that many of the pregnant women turned
away later had illegal abortions by unqualied persons; that your Aant has had
to treat many women, including some of those Aant declined to abort, who were
infected, some of whom were in serious Danger of death.
....
at the State law does not at all correlate with medical indications.
....
at the law also directly results in tremendous societal problems...that your
Aant does have respect for the law; that she has endeavored to govern her actions
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
in accordance with the law; but that your Aant is in great conict because the
law prevents her from practicing medicine in the highest standards of the medical
practice; that the law directly results in tragic personal and societal injury of dev-
astating and shocking proportion; that your Aant, having been thrust into this
conicting position, had to make a choice between following the existing law or
fullling her obligation to her patient, her profession and her society, and chose to
fulll her obligations by openly performing the abortion to test this law.
Statement of Dr. Hodgson’s Patient
Dr. Hodgson’s patient Nancy Kay Widmyer gave this statement during the trial to
explain why she chose to have an abortion and why she agreed to let Dr. Hodgson use
her situation as a test case. Aer describing her understanding that the fetus faced a
likelihood of severe disability, she said:
I felt that it would be very cruel to the baby. I don’t think I could do this to a
child. I couldn’t make a child suffer. And I don’t think that I could have lived with
myself knowing that I could have done something about this and I didn’t.
Both documents are records of the State of Minnesota District Court, Second Judicial Dis-
trict (Ramsey County). Minnesota Historical Society, Jane E. Hodgson Papers, .D..F,
box .
Illegal Abortion as a Public Health Problem
by Mary Steichen Calderone
As medical director of Planned Parenthood om to , Dr. Mary Steichen Calde-
rone (–) prodded the public health profession to acknowledge the dimensions
and consequences of illegal abortion and to take action to address the problem. She was
also one of the country’s leading advocates for sex education as cofounder and president
of the Sex Information and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS). Calde-
rone presented this paper at the Maternal and Child Health Section of the American
Public Health Association on October , .
These women are as often married as unmarried, more often white than colored,
more often of college level education than of high school education. They are also
REFORM
from all religious groups. Here, as elsewhere, the difficulty lies in determining the
incidence, because the groups for which we have available statistical data are very
restricted. The best statistical experts we could find would only go so far as to esti-
mate that, on the basis of present studies, the frequency of illegally induced abor-
tion in the United States might be as low as , and as high as ,, per
year. During the course of the conference, however, it was notable that the figure
of ,, abortions yearly, or one to every four births in the United States, was
advanced again and again by the various participants. Fact number five, therefore,
is that whether the incidence is as low as , or as high as ,,, never-
theless, we do have an illegal abortion problem.
Should public health people look upon it as a problem? Can they shrug o
even , invasions of pregnant uteri as of no medico-social importance? But,
one can say, only deaths from all types of abortions—that is a low mortality
rate. Why should illegal abortion be a public health problem?
e answer is that we have passed the stage where public health concerns itself
only with death rates.... As public health people, we are interested in the whole
body, that is, in society. We are also interested in the whole body of the individual
who is a part of society. Here are some of the symptoms of this disease of society,
illegal abortion.
First, medical indecision regarding the interpretation of the law: We do not
have that kind of indecision concerning permissible bacteria counts above which
milk or drinking water are not considered safe. One can interpret the law in only
one way as far as most public health measures are concerned, but the interpreta-
tion of the law regarding abortion depends upon who is interpreting it and how
far he is willing to go....
A second symptom, inequity of application of a medical procedure: Remem-
ber the woman with who knows the right person and is successful in getting
herself legally aborted on the private service of a voluntary hospital, in contrast to
her poorer, less inuential sister on the ward service of the same hospital or in a
public hospital in the same city, a woman in exactly the same physical and mental
state as the rst one—whose application is turned down?
A third symptom, inconsistency of application: Even with a woman
applying at one hospital may be turned down and go to another hospital in the
same city where, with the right combination of medical opinions, she may obtain
a legal abortion. Is this sound medicine, soundly practiced?
Another symptom, and probably the worst of all, the quasi-legal subterfuges
and hypocrisies that must be undertaken by an honest and concerned medical
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
man when he wants to provide his patient with a procedure that in his best medi-
cal judgment is indicated.
And last but not least, as a symptom of a disease of our whole social body,
the frightening hush-hush, the cold shoulders, the closed doors, the social ostra-
cism and punitive attitude toward those who are greatly in need of concrete help
and sympathetic understanding, the unwillingly pregnant women of all ages, both
married and unmarried....
I ask you not to assume that I am indiscriminately for abortion. Believe me, I
am not. Aside from the fact that abortion is the taking of a life, I am also mindful
of what was brought out by our psychiatrists—that in almost every case abortion,
whether legal or illegal, is a traumatic experience that may have severe conse-
quences later on. So I am not for abortion but, trained in public health, I am for
preventing any need for abortion, and I also am for facing the problem of illegal
abortion which is with us....
Copyright American Public Health Association. Published by permission. Dr. Calderone’s
lecture appeared as an article in the July issue of the American Journal of Public Health,
vol. , no. , pp. –.
American Law Institute Abortion Policy,
In the American Law Institute (ALI), a respected organization of judges, lawyers,
and law professors who make periodic recommendations for revisions to state laws in
light of new developments, proposed a new legal approach to abortion. Appearing as part
of a “model penal code” proposed for adoption by individual states, the abortion sections
proposed legalizing what are usually referred to as “therapeutic” abortions. ese are
abortions that, in a doctor’s judgment, are warranted because of a condition aecting
the physical or mental health of the woman or the development of the fetus, or because
the pregnancy itself resulted om a criminal act. As Dr. Calderone’s article indicates,
these were not the typical reasons for which women sought abortion. But situations like
Sherri Chessen Finkbine’s had begun to persuade leaders of the basically conservative
professions of law and medicine that it was time to relax the old strictures, at least for
abortions that could be deemed “therapeutic.”
e institute’s proposal, excerpted here, proved inuential in the early abortion-
reform movement. In fairly short order, states relaxed their existing abortion pro-
hibition and adopted all or part of the institute’s recommendation. e twelve were
Arkansas, California, Colorado, Delaware, Georgia, Kansas, Maryland, Mississippi,
New Mexico, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia.
REFORM
It is worth noting that the American Law Institute’s emphasis was on shielding
doctors om liability (“A licensed physician is justied in terminating a pregnancy...”)
rather than on eectuating a woman’s choice in how to deal with an unwanted preg-
nancy. Georgia’s ALI-style law would be successfully challenged as unduly restrictive
in Doe v. Bolton, a case the U.S. Supreme Court considered alongside the challenge to
the Texas law in Roe v. Wade.
.. .
() Justiable Abortion. A licensed physician is justied in terminating a preg-
nancy if he believes there is substantial risk that continuance of the preg-
nancy would gravely impair the physical or mental health of the mother or
that the child would be born with grave physical or mental defect, or that
the pregnancy resulted from rape, incest, or other felonious intercourse. All
illicit intercourse with a girl below the age of shall be deemed felonious
for purposes of this subsection. Justiable abortions shall be performed only
in a licensed hospital except in case of emergency when hospital facilities are
unavailable. [Additional exceptions from the requirement of hospitalization
may be incorporated here to take account of situations in sparsely settled areas
where hospitals are not generally accessible.]
() Physicians’ Certicates; Presumption from Non-Compliance. No abortion
shall be performed unless two physicians, one of whom may be the person per-
forming the abortion, shall have certied in writing the circumstances which
they believe to justify the abortion. Such certicate shall be submitted before
the abortion to the hospital where it is to be performed and, in the case of
abortion following felonious intercourse, to the prosecuting attorney or the
police. Failure to comply with any of the requirements of this Subsection gives
rise to a presumption that the abortion was unjustied.
Model Penal Code, copyright by e American Law Institute. Reprinted with permis-
sion. All rights reserved.
American Medical Association Policy Statements,
and
e American Medical Association, which played a central role in the criminalization
of abortion in the th century, began reconsidering its position in the mid-s. Its rst
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
steps were tentative, as shown by the policy statement adopted by the organization’s House
of Delegates at its annual meeting in June . e delegates adopted a proposal for
therapeutic abortion that followed the American Law Institute’s Model Penal Code. e
recommendation and its accompanying report made clear that the delegates envisioned
nothing more than a modest step that would apply to “an occasional obstetric patient.” e
report disavowed any eort to loosen the legal restrictions on abortions that lacked thera-
peutic indications, noting that “the Committee on Human Reproduction is unequivocally
opposed to any relaxation of the criminal abortion statutes....” e report also acknowl-
edged strong opposition om Catholic members to any relaxation of abortion restrictions.
e tone of the AMA’s next eort, a new policy adopted at the June annual
meeting, is very dierent. e organization was now willing to leave the abortion ques-
tion to the “sound clinical judgment” of its members, without the denitional strictures
of the earlier policy. Taken together, the two documents present a portrait of a profes-
sion—like the society it served—on the cusp of change. Justice Harry A. Blackmun had
both documents, in manuscript form, in his le when he was working on his opinion in
Roe v. Wade, with check marks indicating that he read them closely.
.
F. Therapeutic Abortion
....This report is addressed only to the medical aspects of therapeutic abortion. It
is in no way related or intended to cope with the problem of criminal abortion.
The Committee believes that the frequency of criminal abortions would not be
reduced at all if the recommendations contained in this report were implemented
on a national scale. The Committee on Human Reproduction is unequivocally
opposed to any relaxation of the criminal abortion statutes....
Conclusions
The Committee on Human Reproduction is of the opinion that the American
Medical Association should have a policy statement on therapeutic abortion in
keeping with modern scientific knowledge and medical practice. The Commit-
tee realizes, however, that no policy by the AMA on this subject will prove to be
acceptable to all physicians. There are some practitioners who honestly believe
that there are no circumstances which warrant therapeutic abortion. There are
also those equally conscientious physicians who believe that all women should
be masters of their own reproductive destinies and that the interruption of an
unwanted pregnancy, no matter what the circumstances, should be solely an indi-
vidual matter between the patient and her doctor.
REFORM
e policy which the Committee advocates is designed to aord ethical physi-
cians the right to exercise their sound medical judgment concerning therapeutic
abortion just as they do in reaching any other medical decision.
e Committee on Human Reproduction is aware that one major religious
group opposes abortion under any circumstances. e Committee respects the
right of this group to express and practice its belief. However, the Committee
believes that physicians who hold other views should be legally able to exercise
sound medical judgment which they and their colleagues feel to be in the best
interest of the patient. In making recommendations on this subject, the Commit-
tee does not intend to raise the question of rightness or wrongness of therapeutic
abortion. is is a personal and moral consideration which in all cases must be
faced according to the dictates of the conscience of the patient and her physician....
Recommendation
The Committee on Human Reproduction is now of the opinion that, rather than
recommending changes in state laws, the American Medical Association should
adopt its own statement of position which can be used as a guide for component
and constituent societies in states contemplating legislative reform. Accord-
ingly, it is recommended that the following statement be adopted as the policy
oftheAMA:
The American Medical Association is cognizant of the fact that there is no
consensus among physicians regarding the medical indications for therapeu-
tic abortion. However, the majority of physicians believe that, in the light of
recent advances in scientific medical knowledge, there may be substantial
medical evidence brought forth in the evaluation of an occasional obstetric
patient which would warrant the institution of therapeutic abortion either to
safeguard the health or life of the patient, or to prevent the birth of a severely
crippled, deformed or abnormal infant.
Under these special circumstances, it is consistent with the policy of the
American Medical Association for a licensed physician, in a hospital accredited
by the Joint Commission on Accreditation of Hospitals, and in consultation with
two other physicians chosen because of their recognized professional competence
who have examined the patient and have concurred in writing, to be permitted
to prescribe and administer treatment for his patient commensurate with sound
medical judgment and currently established scientic knowledge. Prior to the
institution of a therapeutic abortion, the patient and her family should be fully
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
advised of the medical implications and the possible untoward emotional and
physical sequelae of the procedure. In view of the above, and recognizing that
there are many physicians who on moral or religious grounds oppose therapeutic
abortion under any circumstances, the American Medical Association is opposed
to induced abortion except when:
. ere is documented medical evidence that continuance of the pregnancy
may threaten the health or life of the mother, or
. ere is documented medical evidence that the infant may be born with inca-
pacitating physical deformity or mental deciency, or
. ere is documented medical evidence that continuance of a pregnancy, result-
ing from legally established statutory or forcible rape or incest may constitute a
threat to the mental or physical health of the patient,
. Two other physicians chosen because of their recognized professional compe-
tence have examined the patient and have concurred in writing, and
. e procedure is performed in a hospital accredited by the Joint Commission
on Accreditation of Hospitals.
It is to be considered consistent with the principles of ethics of the American
Medical Association for physicians to provide medical information to State Leg-
islatures in their consideration of revision and/or the development of new legisla-
tion regarding therapeutic abortion.
.
Therapeutic Abortion
Resolution No. 44,
Introduced by South Carolina Delegation
House Action: Adopted
WHEREAS, Abortion, like any other medical procedure, should not be per-
formed when contrary to the best interests of the patient since good medical prac-
tice requires due consideration for the patient’s welfare and not mere acquiescence
to the patient’s demand; and
WHEREAS, e standards of sound clinical judgment, which, together with
informed patient consent should be determinative according to merits of each
individual case; therefore be it
REFORM
RESOLVED, at abortion is a medical procedure and should be performed only
by a duly licensed physician and surgeon in an accredited hospital acting only
aer consultation with two other physicians chosen because of their professional
competency and in conformance with standards of good medical practice and the
Medical Practice Act of his State; and be it further
RESOLVED, at no physician or other professional personnel shall be com-
pelled to perform any act which violates his good medical judgment. Neither
physician, hospital, nor hospital personnel shall be required to perform any act
violative of personally-held moral principles. In these circumstances good medical
practice requires only that the physician or other professional personnel withdraw
from the case so long as the withdrawal is consistent with good medical practice.
rendered the following opinion relative to the relation-
ship of medical ethics and abortion: e Principles of Medical Ethics of the AMA
do not prohibit a physician from performing an abortion that is performed in
accordance with good medical practice and under circumstances that do not vio-
late the laws of the community in which he practices.
House of Delegates Proceedings: Annual Convention , “F. erapeutic Abortion,” pp.
–, copyright American Medical Association, . All rights reserved/Courtesy AMA
Archives. Annual convention , “Resolution No. , erapeutic Abortion,” p. . Pub-
lished by permission of the American Medical Association, copyright American Medical
Association, . All rights reserved/Courtesy AMA Archives.
Clergy Statement on Abortion Law Reform and
Consultation Service on Abortion ()
e Clergy Consultation Service on Abortion, founded in by a group of ministers
and rabbis in New York City and later expanded into a nationwide network, was one
of the most important sources of information for women seeking safe abortions in states
where the procedure was not yet legal. Its longtime leader was the Reverend Howard
Moody of the Judson Memorial Church in New York City’s Greenwich Village. By ,
the service was operating in states and counseling as many as , women a year.
Chapters in states where abortion restrictions had been relaxed helped women navigate
the sometimes daunting eligibility rules. Chapters in states where abortion was still ille-
gal under nearly all circumstances referred women to doctors willing to perform the pro-
cedure safely and at reasonable cost. As an example of the service’s reputation, a booklet
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
written in by a student committee at Yale University and distributed nationally
as e Student Guide to Sex on Campus (excerpted in Part I.B) contained a list of
Clergy Consultation contacts in the United States and Canada. It urged readers to use
the service as an alternative to seeking out an illegal abortion on their own.
By invoking allegiance to “higher laws and moral obligations transcending legal
codes,” the ministers and rabbis who participated in the Clergy Consultation Service
were not only engaging in a form of civil disobedience. ey were enacting their own
view of “the sanctity of human life”—the lives of the women whom their statement here
describes as suering severe anguish and unnecessary death and the lives of children le
motherless—that diered profoundly om the theological view requiring all women to
carry pregnancies to term.
The present abortion laws require over a million women in the United States each
year to seek illegal abortions which often cause severe mental anguish, physical
suffering, and unnecessary death of women. These laws also compel the birth of
unwanted, unloved, and often deformed children; yet a truly human society is one
in which the birth of a child is an occasion for genuine celebration, not the imposi-
tion of a penalty or punishment upon the mother. These laws brand as criminals
wives and mothers who are often driven as helpless victims to desperate acts. The
largest percentage of abortion deaths are found among –-year-old married
women who have five or six children. The present abortion law in New York is
most oppressive of the poor and minority groups. A report shows that of
abortion deaths in New York City occurred among Negroes and Puerto Ricans.
We are deeply distressed that recent attempts to suggest even a conservative
change in the New York State abortion law, aecting only extreme cases of rape,
incest, and deformity of the child, have met with such immediate and hostile
reaction in some quarters, including the charge that all abortion is “murder.” We
arm that there is a period during gestation when, although there may be embryo
life in the fetus, there is no living child upon whom the crime of murder can be
committed.
erefore we pledge ourselves as clergymen to a continuing eort to educate
and inform the public to the end that a more liberal abortion law in this state
and throughout the nation be enacted. In the meantime women are being driven
alone and afraid into the underworld of criminality or the dangerous practice
of self-induced abortion. Confronted with a dicult decision and the means
of implementing it, women today are forced by ignorance, misinformation, and
desperation into courses of action that require humane concern on the part of
REFORM
religious leaders. Belief in the sanctity of human life certainly demands helpful-
ness and sympathy to women in trouble and concern for living children, many of
whom today are deprived of their mothers, who die following self-induced abor-
tions or those performed under submedical standards. We are mindful that there
are duly licensed and reputable physicians who in their wisdom perform therapeu-
tic abortions which some may regard as illegal. When a doctor performs such an
operation motivated by compassion and concern for the patient, and not simply
for monetary gain, we do not regard him as a criminal, but as living by the highest
standards of religion and of the Hippocratic oath. erefore believing as clergy-
men that there are higher laws and moral obligations transcending legal codes, we
believe that it is our pastoral responsibility and religious duty to give aid and assis-
tance to all women with problem pregnancies. To that end, we are establishing a
Clergymen’s Consultation Service on Abortion which will include referral to the
best available medical advice and aid to women in need.
From Howard Moody, A Voice in the Village: A Journey of a Pastor and a People (Xlibris,
). Copyright Howard Moody. Published by permission.
Abortion Law Reform in the United States
by Jimmye Kimmey
e Association for the Study of Abortion, Inc. was organized in by two obstetri-
cians, Alan F. Guttmacher (–), president of the Planned Parenthood Federa-
tion of America, and Robert E. Hall (–), a professor at Columbia University’s
College of Physicians and Surgeons, to support the early reform movement in New York
and to serve as a clearinghouse of information for activist groups around the country.
e organization maintained ties to the medical establishment and to groups advocating
more moderate reform as well as repeal of abortion laws.
e association’s executive director, Jimmye Kimmey, spoke at the California Con-
ference on Abortion in San Francisco in May . She surveyed the growing momentum
for change and cautioned against “amboyant tactics” and self-defeating activism. Her
remarks demonstrate that by the late s, the abortion reform movement was far om
unied, as the momentum within the movement was shiing om supporting reform to
advocating outright repeal of the old abortion laws. is is a speech about reform, not
repeal; its premise is that doctors make decisions about abortion, hence reform required
changing their professional norms.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
That the movement for abortion law reform in the United States is gaining
momentum is quite apparent: there is increasing support from the public as shown
by public opinion polls and by the formation of state and local groups working for
legislative change; there is increasing support for such change from national, state,
and local religious, civic, and professional groups; and there is increasing activity
on the legislative scene.
....
In sum, we know of a total of forty-nine abortion reform measures which were
introduced this year. Of these, twenty-nine are based on the ALI model code,
twelve provide only that abortions must be done by licensed physicians (some
specify that they must be done in licensed hospitals), four would repeal existing
abortion statutes, and four are more restrictive than the ALI code.
Increasing legislative interest in abortion reform measures is perhaps a func-
tion of increasing public acceptance of the essential justice of such reform....
us, we have a picture of a movement which has evoked much interest and
support from the general public, from professionals, from politicians. e ques-
tion is: What is the abortion law reform movement going to do with this growing
support? Where is the movement going?
....
By the end of my rst year or year and a half with ASA, the meaning of the
word reform seemed to undergo a change. ere were those in the movement who
began to talk about reform as though it were some kind of evil against which one
must ght in the name of repeal.
....
I would like to share with you some tentative observations on the problem of
social change. In any social movement there are those who refuse to compromise,
who refuse to meet their opponents (or, sometimes, even their friends) half-way.
e no-compromisers enjoy one great advantage—they can argue openly for their
position on ideological grounds and therefore appear to themselves and others to
be pure of heart. at sensation is, no doubt about it, a great source of energy, but
it is apparently such a heady sensation that it sometimes tends to induce blindness.
....
Since the basic objective is to change medical practice, it may be that any dis-
agreements over the content of legislation are not only debilitating to the move-
ment but irrelevant to the goal, because if a change in medical practice is the
ultimate objective, then the vital constituency to bear in mind is the medical com-
munity. Perhaps some consideration should be given to the question of whether
REFORM
amboyant tactics such as demonstrating, picketing hospitals and disrupting leg-
islative hearings will gain or lose the respect of the rather conservative medical
community. If their respect is lost, changing the law may have only a most limited
impact on medical practice.
In fact, it may be that even if their sensibilities are not oended, a change
in the law—including repeal of the law—would make less dierence in medical
practice than one might hope. Voluntary sterilization is not illegal in any state but
patients oen have a dicult time securing that medical service. Might this be in
part because the physician (and, more especially, the hospital administrator) feels
no necessity to do something just because it is not illegal? Again, I simply suggest
that the possibility be considered.
....
All this is conjectural, but it would seem a wise policy when deciding on tac-
tics to bear in mind that the objective is not just to reform the law but to change
medical practice. No matter what the law says, if physicians and hospitals continue
to assume that abortions can be done for only a limited number of reasons and,
further, that the decision is theirs to make, women will still be forced to turn to
the abortionist for this simple medical procedure and the movement’s victory will
be a hollow one. ose living in the large metropolitan areas would no doubt nd
competent medical care but, in spite of all the talk of our being an urban society,
the large metropolitan area is still the exception and women in small cities and
towns might nd their situation unchanged.
e abortion law reform movement to be successful must not settle for less
than the acceptance of abortion as a normal part of medical practice. Anything
the reform movement does which jeopardizes that goal is self-defeating.
Right to Choose Memorandum
by Jimmye Kimmey
In a memorandum to colleagues in December under the heading “education cam-
paign re: abortion rights,” Jimmye Kimmey discussed “the need to nd a phrase to coun-
ter the Right to Life slogan.” Her preferred alternative, the “Right to Choose,” indicates
that by now, the Association for the Study of Abortion, born in the spirit of reform, had
fully embraced the cause of repeal, and that it now saw women, rather than their doc-
tors, as the primary actors.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
The alternatives seem to be Freedom of Conscience and Right to Choose. I hope
someone can think of a clearly better one but, in the meantime, let me say why I
think the latter preferable. There are two reasons—the first superficial, the sec-
ond, less so:
a. Right to Life is short, catchy, and is composed of monosyllabic words (an
important consideration in English). We need something comparable—Right
to Choose would seem to do the job.
b. More important, though, is the fact that conscience is an internal matter
while choice has to do with action—and it is action we are concerned with.
A woman’s conscience may well tell her abortion is wrong, but she may choose
(and must have the right to choose) to have one anyway for compelling practical
reasons. A woman’s conscience may tell her that abortion is right, but she may
choose to run the risk of having a defective baby anyway.
What we are concerned with is, to repeat, the woman’s right to choose—not
with her right (or anyone else’s right) to make a judgment about whether that
choice is morally licit.
Both documents printed by permission of Jimmye Kimmey and of the Schlesinger Library,
Radclie Institute for Advance Study, Harvard University, NARAL Collection, MC ,
box (“ASA” le).
REPEAL
The early movement toward reform came from several directions. As we have
seen, one motivation was a public health concern to protect women from the con-
sequences of illegal abortion; the members of the Clergy Consultation Service
expressed this woman-protective concern as a pastoral obligation. Another moti-
vation was to shield doctors from liability for acting in what they regarded as their
patients’ best interests. With some notable exceptions, women’s voices were heard
only infrequently on the subject of abortion during this early period, except as
victims of unhappy circumstance.
e movement from reform to repeal also arose from several convergent paths.
We begin with the women’s movement. Abortion was not initially high on the
agenda of the women who organized during the s to press for equal access
to higher education, opportunity in the workplace, and social policies, includ-
ing childcare, that would enable women to combine motherhood and career. It
did not take long for women to connect control of their reproductive lives with
increased social authority and the opportunity to become full participants in the
economy. A right to abortion thus appeared on the women’s movement agenda
anchored in a broader call for social re-ordering that inspired some women even
as it disturbed others. Implicit in the new argument was the notion that, once the
goals were achieved, sex and reproduction would no longer be bound together, and
a woman’s biology would no longer be her destiny.
It was not only feminists who sought sexual freedom. Americans from dif-
ferent walks of life increasingly mistrusted laws that viewed procreation as the
only legitimate reason for adult intimacy. Many Americans came to talk about
these matters in the language of “population control,” a rallying cry of a new envi-
ronmental movement concerned about conserving the planet’s scarce resources.
Documents later in this section explore these themes.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
National Organization for Women Bill of Rights
e National Organization for Women (NOW) was established in with the goal
of ending discrimination against women in the workplace. Initially its focus was on
the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the federal agency charged
with enforcing the antidiscrimination provisions of the Civil Rights Act of . To
the dismay of those who had looked to the commission as an agent of change, the
EEOC had refused to treat as prohibited sex discrimination the separate help-wanted
advertisements for men and women that were then very common and that presented
a serious obstacle to women seeking to break down barriers and enter traditionally
male-dominated occupations. It required movement pressure to prompt the govern-
ment to enforce the prohibition on sex discrimination in employment seriously and
to consider the possibility that the government itself might wrongfully discriminate
against women. It was not until that the Supreme Court, for the rst time, struck
down a statute under the equal protection clause of the Constitution for discriminat-
ing on the basis of sex.
e women and men who came together to form NOW—electing Betty Friedan
(–) as the rst president—adopted a “Bill of Rights” in that listed work-
place and education issues ahead of birth control and abortion. Access to contraception
and abortion were not amed as goals in themselves, but as a means to alleviate the
burdens that society placed on women, burdens that included mandatory pregnancy
leaves with no guarantee that a new mother could reclaim her old job, and a lack of
reliable child care preventing many mothers om working at all. NOW’s “Bill of Rights”
challenged the traditional organization of work and family as perpetrating a wrong
against women.
While there was general agreement within NOW on its economic and equality goals,
not all the women who were drawn to the organization’s workplace-focused antidis-
crimination agenda were interested in, or even particularly comfortable with, making
abortion reform a priority. One group of such women split o om NOW in to form
the Women’s Equity Action League (WEAL), which lobbied and litigated for educa-
tional and workplace equality for more than two decades, before closing its doors in .
I. Equal Rights Constitutional Amendment
II. Enforce Law Banning Sex Discrimination in Employment
III. Maternity Leave Rights in Employment and in Social Security Benets
IV. Tax Deduction for Home and Child Care Expenses for Working Parents
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V. Child Day Care Centers
VI. Equal and Unsegregated Education
VII. Equal Job Training Opportunities and Allowances for Women in Poverty
VIII. e Right of Women to Control their Reproductive Lives
We Demand:
I. at the United States Congress immediately pass the Equal Rights
Amendment to the Constitution to provide that “Equality of rights under
the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State
on account of sex” and that such then be immediately ratied by the several
States.
II. at equal employment opportunity be guaranteed to all women, as well
as men by insisting that the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
enforce the prohibitions against sex discrimination in employment under
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of with the same vigor as it enforces
the prohibitions against racial discrimination.
III. at women be protected by law to insure their rights to return to their
jobs within a reasonable time aer childbirth without loss of seniority or
other accrued benets and be paid maternity leave as a form of social secu-
rity and/or employee benet.
IV. Immediate revision of tax laws to permit the deduction of home and child
care expenses for working parents.
V. at child care facilities be established by law on the same basis as parks,
libraries and public schools adequate to the needs of children, from the
pre-school years through adolescence, as a community resource to be used
by all citizens from all income levels.
VI. at the right of women to be educated to their full potential equally with
men be secured by Federal and State legislation, eliminating all discrimina-
tion and segregation by sex, written and unwritten, at all levels of education
including college, graduate and professional schools, loans and fellowships
and Federal and State training programs, such as the Job Corps.
VII. e right of women in poverty to secure job training, housing and family
allowances on equal terms with men, but without prejudice to a parent’s
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
right to remain at home to care for his or her children; revision of welfare
legislation and poverty programs which deny women dignity, privacy and
self respect.
VIII. e right of women to control their own reproductive lives by removing
from penal codes the laws limiting access to contraceptive information and
devices and laws governing abortion.
Published with permission of the National Organization for Women. “is is a historical
document and may not reect the current language or priorities of the organization.”
Abortion: A Woman’s Civil Right
by Betty Friedan
Implicit in NOW’s agenda was a profound critique of existing social arrangements as
they aected women and, especially, women with children. e organization’s found-
ing president, Betty Friedan, spoke in Chicago in February , at what was billed
as the First National Conference on Abortion Laws, sponsored by the Illinois Citizens
for the Medical Control of Abortion. is conference gave rise to a new organization:
the National Association for Repeal of Abortion Laws (NARAL).
e Chicago conference, and particularly Betty Friedan’s speech, marked the pub-
lic convergence of the women’s rights movement and the abortion rights movement.
Friedan declared to the assembled abortion rights activists that their movement “is
now mine.”
e right to abortion emerged ont and center for the women’s movement, amed in
this speech no longer as one element among many necessary to enable women to partici-
pate in the economy, but as a right, essential to the “ full human dignity and personhood”
of women, to control not only one’s reproductive life but one’s place in society. is new
synthesis marked a fundamental reaming of the abortion issue, with radical implica-
tions for social change. Friedan’s language is passionate, even raw, as she demands that
women no longer be treated as mere objects of regulation and that they must have the
same ability to be heard in the public sphere, the same claim to self-determination, and
the same authority as men to control their own bodies. She asserts that “women’s oices
are going to be heard and heard strongly”—not only at this conference but as part of a
demand for full inclusion in a movement to reshape the social amework.
I am not going to express my gratitude for being here. I think that this is the first
conference that’s been held on abortion that is a decent conference, because this
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is the first conference in which women’s voices are going to be heard and heard
strongly. We are in a new stage here, in the whole unfinished sexual revolution
in America—the whole revolution of American women toward full equality, full
participation, human dignity and freedom in our society.
We are moving forward again, aer many decades of standing still, which
has been in eect to move backward, and a very basic part of this, and my only
claim to be here, is our belated recognition, if you will, that there is no freedom,
no equality, no full human dignity and personhood possible for women until we
assert and demand the control over our own bodies, over our own reproductive
process.
ere is only one voice that needs to be heard on the question of the nal deci-
sion as to whether a woman will or will not bear a child, and that is the voice of the
woman herself. Her own conscience, her own conscious choice.
en and only then will women move out of their enforced passivity, their
enforced integration, their denition as sex objects as things to human person-
hood, to self-determination, to human dignity, and the new stage in your move-
ment, which is now mine, although I am no expert on abortion, but I am the only
kind of expert that there needs to be now....
Women are denigrated in this country, because women are not deciding the
conditions of their own society and their own lives. Women are not taken seri-
ously as people. Women are not seen seriously as people. So this is the new name
of the game on the question of abortion: that women’s voices are heard.
....[W]omen are the ones who therefore must decide, and what we are in the
process of doing, it seems to me, is realizing that there are certain rights that have
never been dened as rights, that are essential to equality for women, and they
were not dened in the Constitution of this, or any country, when that Constitu-
tion was written only by men. e right of woman to control her reproductive
process must be established as a basic and valuable human civil right not to be
denied or abridged by the state.
So must we address all questions governing the reproductive process: access
to birth control, to contraceptive devices, and laws governing abortion. Reform,
don’t talk to me about reform—reform is still the same—women, passive object.
Reform is something dreamed up by men, abortion reform. Maybe good ordered
men, good ordered men, but they can only think from their point of view of men.
Women are the passive objects that somehow must be regulated—thalidomide,
rape, incest, what have you, you know. What right have they to say? What right
has any man to say to any woman: you must bear this child?
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
....[T]his is woman’s right, and not a technical question needing the sanction
of the state to be debated in terms of technicalities, they are irrelevant.... is can
only really be confronted in terms of the basic personhood and dignity of woman,
which is violated forever if she does not have the right to control her own repro-
ductive process, and this question, the guts of it, the heart of it, goes far beyond
the question of abortion, as such. It seems to me almost self-evident that this is the
only way to handle abortion....
Am I saying that women must be liberated from motherhood? No, I am not.
I am saying that motherhood will only be liberated to be a joyous and respon-
sible human act when women are free to make with full conscious choice and full
human responsibility the decision to be mothers....
Am I saying that women have to be liberated from men? at men are the
enemy? No, I am not. I am saying that men will only be truly liberated. Men will
only be truly liberated to love women and to be fully themselves when women are
liberated to be full people. To have a full say in the decisions of their life and their
society and a full part in that society, a basic part of which is the control of their
own reproductive process....
So this is the real sexual revolution. Not what they so cheaply make headlines
in the papers, at what age boys and girls go to bed with each other and whether
they do it with or without the benet of marriage. at’s the least of it. e real
sexual revolution is the emergence of women from passivity, from thing-ness...to
full self-determination, to full dignity....
Copyright , by Betty Friedan. Reprinted by permission of Curtis Brown, Ltd.
NARAL Policy Statement
e organization born at the Chicago conference, the National Association for Repeal of
Abortion Laws (NARAL), was founded on a new premise: the goal was not reform, but
repeal of existing abortion laws. Its language was also new, emphasizing the rights of
women rather than those of doctors. Aer the Chicago meeting, NARAL adopted these
statements of purpose and policy.
NARAL, recognizing the basic human right of a woman to limit her own repro-
duction, is dedicated to the elimination of all laws and practices that would com-
REPEAL
pel any woman to bear a child against her will. To that end, it proposes to initiate
and co-ordinate political, social, and legal action of individuals and groups con-
cerned with providing safe abortions by qualified physicians for all women seek-
ing them regardless of economic status.
. Safe abortions performed by physicians should be readily available to all
women on a voluntary basis, regardless of economic status and without legal
encumbrance.
. As a medical procedure, abortion should be subject only to the general laws
regulating medical licensure and practice.
Printed by permission of NARAL Pro-Choice America.
Call to Women’s Strike for Equality, August ,
by Betty Friedan
Reprinted here om a typed and hand-edited dra in Betty Friedan’s papers, this docu-
ment summons women to mark the th anniversary of women’s surage by abandoning
hearth, home, and oce for a day of marching, demonstrating, and lobbying for an
agenda that included the right to abortion as part of a call for “drastic social change.”
e demonstrations around the country on August , , received considerable pub-
licity, which Friedan avidly sought, and bolstered the prominence of the National Orga-
nization for Women.
e strike’s message was that the equal right to ote had not yet secured for women
equal citizenship. rough the strike, the movement sought ratication of an Equal
Rights Amendment to the United States Constitution, which would have provided that
“Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States
or by any State on account of sex.” Furthermore, to enable women to exercise guarantees
of equal citizenship, the strike advanced three other claims: equality in education and
the workplace, abortion rights, and government-nanced child care.
Friedan speaks here in terms of “revolution.” Her message is that while women have
had the ote for a half century, they have not yet achieved equality, and will do so now
only through a radical reordering of women’s roles in work, family, and sex.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Our movement toward true equality for all women in America in fully equal part-
nership with men has reached this year a point of critical mass. The chain reaction
of events and breakthroughs against sex discrimination and the denigration of
women as we begin this new decade is unmistakable evidence that the unfinished
revolution of women towards full human freedom, dignity, self determination and
full participation in the main stream of society has exploded into the conscious-
ness, into the actions of millions of women across the lines of generation, across
the lines of nation, of color, of man-made politics.
It is only three years since employers and even government commissioners
empowered to enforce the civil rights acts ban on sex discrimination in employ-
ment were treating it as a slightly dirty joke.... It is only two years ago that we
dared to rst say that the right of a woman to control her own body’s reproductive
process should be an inalienable human right for the rst time—women’s voice
was heard on the question of abortion, up until then, completely decided by men. I
still remember the courage it took for us to dare to confront this question in terms
of the basic principle involved and how even the abortion reformers laughed when
we changed the terms of the debate from reform to repeal....
All of us this past year have learned in our gut that sisterhood is powerful.
e awesome power of women united, the awesome political power of of the
population, is visible now and is being taken seriously, as all of us who dene our-
selves as people now take the actions that need to be taken in every city and state,
and together make our voices heard....
And so we face now the awesome responsibility of this beautiful miracle of
our own power as women to change society, to change the conditions that oppress
us in government, industry, the professions, the churches, the political parties, the
unions, in education, in medicine and in our own homes, in the very images that
conne us. I think it is urgent that we confront in all seriousness the power we
have to make this revolution happen now, not in some abstract future, when the
Apocalypse comes, but in our own lives, in the mainstream of our own society.
We have the power to restructure the institutions and conditions that oppress all
women now, and it is our responsibility to history, to ourselves, to all who will
come aer us, to use this power NOW. For there is an urgency in this moment....
It is possible, you know, for revolutions to be aborted. No revolution is inevi-
table. As we visibly become the fastest growing movement for drastic social change
in this country, it would be naïve not to recognize that there are and will be many
trying to destroy our strength, to divide us and divert us....
We must use our power to end the war between the sexes by confronting
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politically the conditions, the institutions that keep women in this impotent state.
If we confront the real conditions that oppress men now as well as women and
translate our rage into action, then and only then will sex really be liberated to be
an active joy and a receiving joy for women and for men, when we are both really
free to be all we can be. is is not a war to be fought in the bedroom, but in the
city, in the political arena....
I therefore propose that we accept the responsibility of mobilizing the chain
reaction we have helped release, for instant revolution against sexual oppression in
this year, . I propose that on Wednesday, August , we call a -hour general
strike, a resistance both passive and active, of all women in America against the
concrete conditions of their oppression. On that day, years aer the amend-
ment that gave women the vote became part of the Constitution, I propose we
use our power to declare an ultimatum on all who would keep us from using our
rights as Americans. I propose that the women who are doing menial chores in the
oces cover their typewriters and close their notebooks and the telephone opera-
tors unplug their switchboards, the waitresses stop waiting, cleaning women stop
cleaning, and everyone who is doing a job for which a man would be paid more—
stop; every woman pegged forever as “assistant-to,” doing jobs for which men get
the credit, stop. In every oce, every laboratory, every school, all the women to
whom we get word will spend the day discussing, analyzing the conditions which
keep us from being all we might be. And if the condition that keeps us down is the
lack of a child care center, we will bring our babies to the oce that day and sit
them on our bosses’ laps. We do not know how many will join our day of absten-
tion from so-called women’s work, but I expect it will be millions. We will then
present concrete demands to those who so far have made all the decisions.
And when it begins to get dark, instead of cooking dinner or making love, we
will assemble, and we will carry candles symbolic of that ame of the passionate
journey down through history—relit anew in every city—to converge the visible
power of women at city hall—at the political arena where the larger options of
our life are decided. If men want to join us, ne. If politicians, if political bosses,
if mayors and governors wish to discuss our demands, ne, but we will dene the
terms of the dialogue. And we will send our most skillful scouts to track down
senators one by one, until we have his commitment to the equal rights of women.
And by the time these hours are ended, our revolution will be a fact.
Copyright , by Betty Friedan. Reprinted by permission of Curtis Brown, Ltd.,
and of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Institute for Advanced Study, Harvard University,
Papers of Betty Friedan –, MC , box , folder .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
is yer summoned women to
a meeting to press the demands
made during the Women’s Strike
for Equality six weeks earlier,
on August , . As the yer
indicates, the slogan “abortion
on demand” originated with the
women’s movement and not, as
many have since assumed, with
abortion opponents seeking to
characterize the abortion-rights
agenda as extreme. By the word
“demand,” the women’s move-
ment intended to underscore
the limitations of the “thera-
peutic abortion” model, under
which women had to plead with
doctors and hospital review
boards for the right to terminate
a pregnancy. Such a system was
not only paternalistic, in the
feminist view, but it stripped women of their dignity; women should be able to obtain
abortions as any other medical service and should not be required to justify their choice
to committees of doctors. e demand for child care to enable women to combine mother-
hood and work emphasized that the women’s movement was not at war with motherhood
itself. However, this part of the platform necessarily underscored that the movement was
seeking not only equal rights in a technical, legal sense but a basic change in family struc-
ture and relationships that would allow women to exercise these rights. e centrality to
this agenda of the right to abortion amounted to a reaming of the abortion issue, om a
question of women’s health and safety to a key element in the transformation of women’s
role in society—and of society itself.
Printed by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Institute for Advanced Study,
Harvard University, Betty Friedan Collection, MC , folder .
Printed by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie
Institute for Advanced Study, Harvard University, Betty
Friedan Collection, MC , folder .
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Speak-Out-Rage
Socially privileged members of women’s movement worked self-consciously, although not
always successfully, to reach out to less privileged women. ey sought alliances with
other movements, as demonstrated by this request for testimony at a “speak-out” on
“abortion, contraception, & forced sterilization” scheduled for October in Boston.
e eort at outreach reected an understanding of the dierent forms of reproductive
control faced by women across race and class lines. Many such documents om the
period refer to “ forced sterilization.” Social service agencies were known to have pushed
sterilization on women who had already had several children, even requiring steriliza-
tion as the price for continued eligibility for welfare benets. e burden of such policies
fell disproportionately on the non-white poor and engendered suspicion and bitterness.
Feminists advocating for abortion rights raised the issue as one of personal autonomy,
underscoring their support for motherhood eely undertaken.
At a conference in July , a group of women of color had passed a resolution in
support of the campaign for decriminalizing abortion, emphasizing that the right to
control their bodies required not only the legalization of abortion but also the end of
forced sterilization:
“ere is a myth that ird World women do not want to control our bodies,
that we do not want the right to contraception and abortion. But we know
that ird World women have suered the most because of this denial of our
rights and will continue to suer as long as the anti-abortion laws remain on
the books. We know that more ird World women die every year om illegal
back-street abortions than the rest of the female population. We know that
ird World women are the rst victims of forced sterilization. And we know
that we intend to ght for our eedom as women.”
’
Boston, Oct. []
· e Women’s National Abortion Action Coalition is a national organization
uniting women in an action and education campaign for the repeal of all abor-
tion laws, for the repeal of all restrictive contraception laws, and for an end to
forced sterilization. e Boston Women’s Abortion Action Coalition is the
Boston local aliate.
· Speak-Out-Rage Project is women working with the endorsement of con-
cerned organizations to build the best possible public hearings in Boston.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
: Black, Latina, Chicana, Native
American and Asian women, gay women, high school and college women, work-
ing women, women in the military, Catholic women, from all across the United
States and the rest of the world, from Boston especially for the local hearings.
: You have experienced illegal abortion
You have met with opposition to voluntary sterilization
You have been victim of forced sterilization
You have been forced to bear an unwanted child
You have been raped and could not obtain an abortion
You have been discriminated against in pre-natal care
You have gone through other experiences resulting from the lack of
control over your reproductive life
You are a doctor or lawyer or counselor involved with these issues
: Your testimony and active involvement in the International Tribunal
and/or Speak-Out-Rage is needed. Please send in the coupon below if
you can help work for these or would like to present testimony of your
experiences.
Reprinted by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Institute for Advanced Study,
Harvard University, Feminist Ephemera Collection, Pr-, .., box .
Feminist as Anti-Abortionist
by Sidney Callahan
Not all women who considered themselves feminists adopted the abortion rights cause,
nor did women who opposed abortion consider that their view on the issue placed them
outside the boundaries of feminism.
Since the women’s movement began to advance abortion rights claims, there have
been those in its ranks who opposed the movement’s advocacy, as well as abortion itself.
In this early period, when the feminist movement’s embrace of abortion rights claims
was still relatively new—and those mobilized against abortion had not yet raised the
banner of family values—there was more conversation among feminists about whether
the availability of abortion served the interests of women.
In the article below, Sidney Callahan argues that abortion violates the fundamen-
tal principles of the women’s movement. Callahan is a widely published Catholic author
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and scholar. She is also a licensed psychologist. is article appeared in the National
Catholic Reporter in .
Let’s get our feminism together. Right now. The feminist cause is being betrayed
by the men and women pushing for public acceptance of the principle of abortion
on demand. Arguments used in urging routine abortion deny fundamental values
guiding the whole women’s movement.
On the issue of abortion radical feminists have completely identied with the
male aggressor; they spout a straight machismo ideology, with a touch of Adam
Smith. e worst of traditional male power plays are being embraced and bran-
dished by those who have suered from them the most. Every slogan in the pro-
abortion arsenal is male-oriented and a sell-out of feminist values. For instance:
) “e fetus isn’t human and has no right to life.” But the feminist movement
insists that men cease their age-old habit of withholding human status from
women, blacks, Jews, Indians, Asians and any other helpless or dierent
instances of human life. Women encourage rights to life, and value potential
life. To deny the fact that human life is always a growing process through time
is a failure of imagination and empathy. Out of sight, out of mind, may do for
a bombardier’s conscience but not for a feminist movement dedicated to end-
ing unilateral suppression of life. Embryonic life is also life, life with a built-in
future.
) “Any problem pregnancy should be terminated early by a qualied medical
professional employing the best technological techniques.” Yet the feminist
movement has persistently protested impersonal professional technologies
which eciently ignore not only emotions but the real roots of complex
human problems. Males have always searched, destroyed, cut, burned, and
aggressively attacked anything in the way without regard to context, con-
sequences and natural interrelationships. Women have been committed to
creative nonviolent alternatives which seek more lasting solutions. Feminist
values are highly attuned to conservation and the achievement of social and
ecological health. What irony that a society confronted with a plastic basin
lled with fetal remains, or fetal “wastage,” could worry more about the prob-
lem of recycling the plastic. So where have all the owers gone?
) “A woman has the right to control her own body.” How valiantly the feminist
movement has struggled against the male obsession to control. As they nd
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
in every prison, to fully control, you kill.... Men have always tried to detach
themselves from the body, viewing female bodies in particular as a form of
property. Men are only too happy to separate female “reproductive systems”
from the self. More middle-class men favor elective abortion than any other
group, not only because it accords with male convenience, male strategies, but
also because it suits the male norm of a human body....
) “Males have no right to speak or legislate on the abortion issue, since abor-
tion is solely a matter between a woman and her physician.” is argument is
used to browbeat men (how to mau-mau the male power structure), but it is
contrary to other feminist demands. Women now insist on their right to speak
out on war not only because their husbands and sons die, but because it is a
human concern. Feminists justly demand equal male-female cooperation, deci-
sion-making and mutual responsibility in all areas of social life. In particular,
women will no longer bear the sole responsibility for childrearing. ey insist
(quite rightly) that men and the society at large accept their responsibility for
the next generation by providing public daycare, health programs and other
measures which will support and help women. Only with abortion does com-
munity concern become disallowed. Men are angrily disqualied, although
over half the aborted fetuses are male and all fetuses are fathered. Each fetus
not only has a direct link to a male, but genetically and physically it is linked
to the human species as a whole. Who owns the human species? Or the gene
pool? Who owns life? We don’t let people in the name of private property pol-
lute their own water, contaminate their own air or shoot their own eagles; so
how can aborting potential human life not be a public socio-legal concern?
I propose that a truly feminist approach to abortion would:
) Display an advocacy of life no matter how immature, helpless or dierent it
is from white, middle-class, adult males who have heretofore preempted the
right to be fully human.
) Arm that full feminine humanity includes distinctly feminine functions.
Women need not identify with male sexuality, male aggression and womb-
less male lifestyles in order to win social equality. Getting into the club is not
worth the price of alienation from body-life, emotion, empathy and sensitivity.
) Assert that abortion is a two-sex, community decision in which the rights
and welfare of women, fetuses, children, father, families and the rest of the
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community be considered and arbitrated. e whole society has a responsi-
bility for human life and the next generation. Women and men should urge
and support nonviolent creative alternatives to abortion. Facing such a pain-
ful problem we cannot give in to simpleminded sexist slogans and a property
rights ethic. Life is not that easy.
Reprinted from the April , , issue of National Catholic Reporter, by permission of
National Catholic Reporter, East Armour Boulevard, Kansas City, Missouri , www.
ncronline.org.
Black Women’s Manifesto;
Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female ()
by Frances Beal
e movement to expand access to abortion was an object of considerable distrust in
the black community, with some prominent Aican Americans concerned that it was
a plot to shrink the black population. In too many settings, race and class considera-
tions had played a role in birth control policies. e debate over abortion was thus
approached with varying degrees of mistrust in communities of color. Some viewed abor-
tion as another path to genocide. “My answer to genocide, quite simply is eight black
kids—and another baby on the way,” Dick Gregory, a popular black comedian and
social activist, wrote in Ebony magazine in .
e issue was a challenging one for black political leaders. While . of respon-
dents to a poll conducted by the black newspaper the Chicago Daily Defender
feared that government-funded abortion posed a genocidal threat to the black com-
munity, only . opposed abortion itself. e Reverend Jesse Jackson, noting that he
himself was born out of wedlock to a teen-aged mother, declared himself opposed to
abortion during the s. In , speaking before the U.S. Commission on Population
and Growth (see page ), he equated birth control in the black community with geno-
cide. He explained to the commission: “You have to recognize that the American group
that has been subjected to as much harassment as our community has is suspect of any
programs that would have the eect of either reducing or leveling o our population
growth. Virtually all the security we have is in the number of children we produce.” It
was not only that Jackson was concerned about the dangers of government-sponsored
birth control; he opposed limiting the reproduction of black women in any form: “We
don’t want birth control; we want blacks so we will have power.” Later, during his
campaign for the White House in , he supported abortion rights, including federal
funding for abortions in government-funded health plans.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
If the black community was uniform in its opposition to racially motivated eorts
to restrict its growth, its leaders were divided in how they spoke publicly about birth-
control and abortion. Many, oen women, took a more nuanced position: while oppos-
ing any form of mandated birth control, they also opposed any eort to pressure black
women to have children.
Shirley Chisholm, the rst black woman elected to Congress, recounted in her
autobiography, Unbought and Unbossed, her journey om opposing the repeal of New
York’s abortion law to changing her mind and becoming honorary president of the
National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws (as NARAL was then known).
Noting the harm done to black women by illegal abortion, she wrote: “Which is more like
genocide, I have asked my black brothers—this, the way things are, or the conditions I
am ghting for in which the full range of family planning services is eely available to
women of all classes and colors, starting with eective contraception and extending to
safe, legal termination of undesired pregnancies, at a price they can aord?”
In the excerpt below, Frances Beal decried what she viewed as government eorts
to sterilize—and thereby disempower—people of color, while at the same time, she
opposed abortion restrictions as equally threatening to the welfare of black women and
the black community. Beal was active in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com-
mittee, a grassroots organization that played a visible role in the civil rights movement,
and helped found its Black Women’s Liberation Committee. She rst published the piece
below as a pamphlet in . It was revised the following year for inclusion in the anthol-
ogy Sisterhood Is Powerful.
[P]erhaps the most outlandish act of oppression in modern times is the current
campaign to promote sterilization of non-white women in an attempt to maintain
the population and power imbalance between the white haves and the non-white
have nots.
ese tactics are but another example of the many devious schemes that the
ruling elite attempt to perpetrate on the black population in order to keep itself
in control. It has recently come to our attention that a massive campaign for so-
called “birth control” is presently being promoted not only in the underdeveloped
non-white areas of the world, but also in black communities here in the United
States. However, what the authorities in charge of these programs refer to as “birth
control” is in fact nothing but a method of outright surgical genocide.
e United States has been sponsoring sterilization clinics in non-white coun-
tries, especially in India where already some million young men and boys in and
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around New Delhi have been sterilized in make-shi operating rooms set up by
the American Peace Corps workers. Under these circumstances, it is understand-
able why certain countries view the Peace Corps not as a benevolent project, not as
evidence of America’s concern for underdeveloped areas, but rather as a threat to
their very existence. is program could more aptly be named the “Death Corps.”
....
[ ] has now become the commonest operation
in Puerto Rico, commoner than an appendectomy or a tonsillectomy. It is so wide-
spread that it is referred to simply as “la operación.” On the Island, of the
women between the ages of and have already been sterilized.
And now, as previously occurred with the pill, this method has been imported
into the United States. ese sterilization clinics are cropping up around the
country in the black and Puerto Rican communities. ese so-called “Maternity
Clinics” specically outtted to purge black women or men of their reproduc-
tive possibilities, are appearing more and more in hospitals and clinics across the
country.
A number of organizations have been formed to popularize the idea of steril-
ization such as the Association for Voluntary Sterilization and the Human Bet-
terment (!!?) Association for Voluntary Sterilization which has its headquarters in
New York City. Front Royal, Virginia, has one such “Maternity Clinic” in Warren
Memorial Hospital. e tactics used in the clinic in Fauquier County, Virginia,
where poor and helpless black mothers and young girls are pressured into undergo-
ing sterilization are certainly not conned to that clinic alone.
reatened with the cut-o of relief funds, some black welfare women have
been forced to accept this sterilization procedure in exchange for a continuation of
welfare benets. Mt. Sinai Hospital in New York City performs these operations
on many of its ward patients whenever it can convince the women to undergo this
surgery. Mississippi and some of the other Southern states are notorious for this
act. Black women are oen afraid to permit any kind of necessary surgery because
they know from bitter experience that they are more likely than not to come out
of the hospital without their insides....
We condemn this use of the black woman as a medical testing ground for the
white middle class. Reports of the ill eects including deaths from the use of the
birth control pill only started to come to light when the white privileged class
began to be aected. ese outrageous Nazi-like procedures on the part of medical
researchers are but another manifestation of the totally amoral and dehumanizing
brutality that the capitalist system perpetrates on black women. e sterilization
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
experiments carried on in concentration camps some twenty-ve years ago have
been denounced the world over, but no one seems to get upset by the repetition of
these same racist tactics today in the United States of America—land of the free
and home of the brave. is campaign is as nefarious a program as Germany’s gas
chambers and in a long term sense, as eective and with the same objective.
e rigid laws concerning abortions in this country are another vicious means
of subjugation, and, indirectly of outright murder. Rich white women somehow
manage to obtain these operations with little or no diculty. It is the poor black
and Puerto Rican woman who is at the mercy of the local butcher. Statistics show
us that the non-white death rate at the hands of the unqualied abortionist is sub-
stantially higher than for white women. Nearly half of the child-bearing deaths in
New York City were attributed to abortion alone and out of these, are among
non-whites and Puerto Rican women.
We are not saying that black women should not practice birth control or fam-
ily planning. Black women have the right and the responsibility to determine
when it is in the interest of the struggle to have children or not to have them. It is
also her right and responsibility to determine when it is in her own best interests
to have children, how many she will have, and how far apart and this right must
not be relinquished to anyone.
e lack of the availability of safe birth control methods, the forced steriliza-
tion practices and the inability to obtain legal abortions are all symptoms of a dec-
adent society that jeopardizes the health of black women (and thereby the entire
black race) in its attempts to control the very life processes of human beings. is
repressive control of black women is symptomatic of a society that believes it has
the right to bring political factors into the privacy of the bedchamber. e elimi-
nation of these horrendous conditions will free black women for full participation
in the revolution, and thereaer, in the building of the new society.
Reprinted by permission of Frances Beal.
Black Women and the Motherhood Myth
by Bev Cole
is excerpt is om an essay in e Right to Choose Abortion, a pamphlet published
in by a Boston-based group, Female Liberation, that supported total repeal of abor-
tion laws. e author, Bev Cole, was a member of the group. Although she, like Beal,
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decides to support a right to abortion, her essay reects the struggle within the black
community over how to approach a subject with many troubling dimensions that con-
tinued to cause deep unease.
The abortion issue must be faced by each and every woman, especially Black and
Third World women. The Black woman throughout history has been a breeder—
breeder of slaves and breeder of slave owners’ bastards. Then today, Black men
tell Black women to continue to breed, so that we shall outnumber the White
men and seize control. On July th, , the Black Panthers came out with
the most absurd statement, “Black women love children and like large families.”
While the Panthers hopscotch on the subject of the Black woman’s innate love for
children, and declare that the quantity (not mentioning quality) of forces must
be overwhelmed to insure victory, they also say that the Black man and Black
woman must stand and fight together against the enemy. How can we have this
togetherness on the front if women are busy being balled by night and coping
with the results, children everywhere, during each and every day. The gun in the
hand of every Black man seems also to mean diaper swinging females following
closebehind.
at the Black woman’s only dream is to reproduce is a false myth, as shown
by the fact that of the abortions performed in this country are done on Black
and ird World women. e economics of this racist society makes it impossible
for many of these women to aord safe abortions, thus illegal, unsafe abortions
occur. e poor woman’s fate is usually injury or death from having ushed deter-
gents and soaps into herself, or having tried to sever the uterine wall to cut away
the multiplying cells. ese futile abortive attempts have caused a high death
rate among Black and ird World women, so that the Black brother’s argu-
ment against legal, safe abortion is, in itself, genocidal, killing o Black women
in the name of the fetus. A Black brother told one of my girl friends that “if any
woman of his got pregnant (note that the fault lies solely with the female) and
hurt or killed anything of his inside her, he’d kill her.” at’s a brother’s concern
for hissister.
ere are women who decide to have and keep their children, and to many of
these Black women pregnancy is the admission stub to the nearest welfare oce.
But many a welfare mother nds herself pregnant for the second third, fourth
time and wants to avoid sacricing the lives of her previous children with one
more mouth to feed. Some women seek help, but many times Welfare Agencies
step in beforehand, promising an abortion only if one will submit to sterilization.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
In my hometown, any welfare recipient expecting either her th or th child is
sterilized by court action. Some women do not even have these legal procedures
taken against them; they nd themselves awakening in the recovery room where
they are told, “You don’t have to worry no more.” In cases such as these, it seems
that the government has taken it into its own hands to punish the welfare recipi-
ent for having another pregnancy by forcing sterilization. is method totally
takes away the woman’s right to choose and control her body. A Black woman,
and every woman, is entitled to the right of abortion. At the same time, forced
sterilization must come to an end.
I want safe, legal abortive practices provided, especially in Black community
hospitals run by the Black community to assist Black women and I want all this
NOW!
Reprinted by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Institute for Advanced Study,
Harvard University, Feminist Ephemera Collection, Pr-, .., box .
We now turn to another of the paths leading from reform to repeal. During the
’s, a long-running conversation about limiting population growth was taken
up by advocates who brought to it concerns about protecting the environment and
sexual freedom.
e term “population explosion” dates from a pamphlet that warned of
population growth as a threat to world peace. In the post-World War II period,
Western elites, concerned about the resource claims of the world’s poorer nations,
engaged in geopolitical talk about population growth. In domestic variants of
the conversation worry about overpopulation expressed class-based concerns that
easily slid into assumptions about race: too many of the poor were having more
babies than they could support. With increasing government involvement in pub-
lic assistance in the s, there were those who continued to talk about “family
planning” in openly class-based and, implicitly, race-based terms. While the focus
of this conversation was birth control rather than abortion, it le some commu-
nities wary of and divided over the new and growing movement for abortion’s
legalization.
By the s, a growing environmental movement had begun to address over-
population, and to exhort the middle class itself to practice family planning in the
interests of protecting the planet’s resources. ese early “green” advocates were
also part of the s sexual revolution; today we might term them “sex positive.”
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Population control oered publicly respectable, social-welfare reasons for support-
ing sex education and birth control practices that separated sex from reproduction.
By the decade’s end, growing numbers of population-control advocates supported
the repeal of laws criminalizing abortion. “Population control” oered reasons
for liberalizing access to abortion that were more widely acceptable than reasons
associated with the sexual revolution or the women’s liberation movement–causes
with which environmental population-control advocates were oen aliated.
Zero Population Growth
A growing environmental movement brought new concerns to conversation about pop-
ulation growth. Environmentalists argued that burgeoning population growth would
place escalating demands on natural resources, on the capacity of parks and other places
where people could encounter nature, and on the world’s food supply. Famine loomed,
Dr. Paul R. Ehrlich, a biologist, warned in his best-selling book, e Population
Bomb. “[H]undreds of millions of people are going to starve to death,” the author pre-
dicted in the opening pages. David Brower, executive director of the Sierra Club, wrote
the foreword to e Population Bomb, thus rmly linking Ehrlich’s call for “population
control” with the agenda of the rapidly growing environmental movement. e Popula-
tion Bomb would ultimately sell over two million copies.
e Population Bomb was blunt in its endorsement of abortion as “a highly eec-
tive weapon in the armory of population control.” e book accused mainstream family-
planning groups of “pussyfooting” about abortion and held up postwar Japan, where
abortion was widely available and where the birthrate had been cut in half, as an
example to be emulated. Ehrlich also advocated sexual eedom and argued that a side
benet of delinking sex om reproduction would be to liberate the American public om
the “pressures of a sexually repressive and repressed society.” Women’s liberation, as such,
was not an interest of his, however.
e organization Zero Population Growth was founded in in response to
the environmental concerns then animating an important segment of the population-
control movement. is brochure soliciting new members advocated making legal abor-
tion “eely available” as one means of reaching the population-stabilizing goal of no
more than two children per family. Starting with a few hundred members, Zero Popu-
lation Growth claimed , members in chapters by the time it joined one of
the briefs led in Roe v. Wade. In it changed its name to Population Connection,
which in had a membership of ,.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
We Americans have a tendency to equate growth with progress. We think that
every time we build a new dam or highway we have made some progress. It never
seems to occur to us that instead of making progress we are barely keeping even.
The new highway is usually built because the old highway has become inadequate
to carry the ever increasing number of cars. Why don’t we think about stopping
the increase in the number of cars, instead of increasing the number of highways?
Or, to put it more directly, why don’t we stop the constant increase in the num-
ber of people? Less increase in the population means less increase in the number
ofcars.
Usually, when we build a dam it is because the greater population requires
more electricity and water. Sometimes it is because we have destroyed the forests of
a region—causing oods. e forests are frequently cut down to build more houses
for the ever growing population. us we have a chain reaction type of eect. First
we cut down the forests to build more houses for the expanding population, then
we start to have oods because the natural growth has been removed from the
mountains, then we build a dam to prevent the oods. Each step costs a great deal
of money and scars the countryside. It all starts with population growth.
Growth means that the population expands and more facilities are built to
take care of the greater number of people. Progress means that a distinct improve-
ment has taken place in the quality of our lives. More people living in our neigh-
borhood does not necessarily improve the quality of our lives. Usually, in fact,
more people crowded into the same area results in a decrease in the quality of
life for the inhabitants of the area. If your life is polluted by the presence of too
many people too close to you, then be prepared for the situation to get worse. e
population of the United States continues to grow, and all those extra people have
to t in somewhere. is country has reached the limit in terms of the number
of people that can be supported comfortably. Of course, we could probably sup-
port more people at a survival level—but who wants that? In the s, the last
unused, unsettled land was taken up. Since then, we have been crowding more
and more people into the same land area. Of course, there are still great uninhab-
ited areas within the U.S., but these areas are, without exception, uninhabited for
very good reasons. Either it is too hot, too cold, too mountainous, or there isn’t
any water.
As we crowd more and more people into our country, we continually run into
more and more problems of waste disposal. Somehow we have to get rid of all the
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trash and sewage created by these additional people. Unfortunately, we cannot
aord adequate sewage treatment plants—we have to spend our money for more
schools and colleges for the increasing population. So we dump the sewage into
our lakes and rivers. e predictable result is that aer a period of time the lakes
and rivers become “dead.” e sh and wildlife die and we have a stinking mess
instead of a useful and beautiful natural resource. We also dump vast quantities
of waste into the atmosphere—over pounds per year for each person in the
country. It settles out as soot on our laundry and settles in our lungs as a possible
cancer causing agent. When it gets bad enough we call it smog and it keeps us from
seeing the scenery. In Los Angeles, one of the worst smog areas, people talk wist-
fully of someday having quality air.
YES! It is a realistic possibility. Some European countries have reached this goal.
All that is required is that the average family size be two children. If there are only
two children in a family, then the net long term growth is zero, because one child
replaces the father and the other replaces the mother. In the United States it is that
third and fourth child in a family that is causing population growth.
, .
ZPG is a non-profit, volunteer group which advocates that all measures be taken
immediately to stem the tide of population growth.
We advocate:
. at no responsible family should have more than two children. Any family
wanting to care for more than two children should adopt further children.
Adopting children does not increase the population.
. All methods of birth control, including legalized abortion, should be freely
available—and at no cost in poverty cases.
. Irresponsible people who have more than two children should be taxed to the
hilt for the privilege of irresponsible breeding....
ZPG has been in existence for only a few months, and already we have over
members. Funds collected from membership dues will be, and are being used
to stop population growth. Many members are volunteering their time and ener-
gies to promoting ZPG’s goal.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
e two most important lines of attack to be used in reaching our goal are:
. Active lobbying in our legislatures and in the Congress for population ori-
ented legislation—tax incentives for the smaller family and government sup-
port of birth control, including legalized abortion.
. Advertising to reach the general public, which will popularize the two-child
family and alert the public to the dangers of population growth.
Our goal is , members before the end of —this goal is in sight and
we expect to exceed it. By the end of our goal is , members. By joining
ZPG you will be taking a concrete step to protect the environment that you, your
children, and your grandchildren will have to live in.
Reprinted by permission of Population Connection.
A Sex Counseling Service for College Students
by Philip M. Sarrel, M.D., and Lorna J. Sarrel, M.S.W.
e s also saw the celebration of human sexuality in a new climate of openness and
experimentation—enabled, to a degree, by the increased availability of new forms of
birth control. Young people found themselves caught up in a sexual revolution for which
many were unprepared.
Yale University cononted this aspect of the s earlier and more directly than
many other campuses, due to the simple fact that its undergraduate college became
coeducational in and suddenly added women to a formerly all-male environ-
ment. Some rapid retooling of the university’s health service was clearly in order. Dr.
Philip M. Sarrel, a gynecologist at Yale’s medical school, and his wife, Lorna J. Sarrel, a
social worker, took the initiative and established a sex counseling service in which they
operated as a team, advising hundreds of individuals and couples every year. ey also
oered a lecture series on human sexuality that was quickly oversubscribed. In ,
under their guidance, a student committee produced a -page booklet, Sex and the Yale
Student, which was distributed without charge to all undergraduates and graduate
students. It went through several editions and became the basis for a book, e Student
Guide to Sex on Campus, which was distributed nationally and sold more than ,
copies in the early s.
e Sarrels described their experience counseling students at Yale at a joint meeting
in October of the American School Health Association and the School Health Sec-
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tion of the American Public Health Association. eir account, while somewhat clinical
in tone, presents in vivid detail a portrait of a population—both students and adults—
navigating a world of rapidly changing norms of behavior, a world in which abortion
played an accepted if legally ambiguous role.
In the fall of Yale College became coeducational. All at once, undergrad-
uate females were added to the male enrollment of ,. In preparation for coed-
ucation the student health service suddenly became acutely aware of a gap in its
services. There was not even one obstetrician and gynecologist on the staff! Female
graduate students had always been referred to doctors in town. The thought of
young women with ailments ranging from cramps to pregnancy was not a
little frightening for a health service geared almost exclusively to maleneeds.
Knowing of his special interest in the sexual problems of college students,
the Department of University Health approached the gynecologist author of this
paper with the idea of running a gynecology clinic. Aer several consultations
with health sta administrators a plan was evolved to provide something beyond
the usual gynecologic care, something to be labeled “sex-counseling.” e Sex
Counseling Service would be staed by the authors—husband and wife, gyne-
cologist and social worker respectively, functioning as a team, with the goal of
helping students with any problem relating to sexuality. Another gynecologist
would handle routine medical problems. In order to stress the special nature of
the service and to facilitate close working relations with sta psychiatrists, it was
decided to place the sex counseling service within the Mental Hygiene Division of
University Health rather than within the medical division.
That students needed help, advice and services relating to sexual problems was
unquestionable and there was no reason to think Yale would be any different. But
it was obviously important to “advertise” the service and to gain students’ confi-
dence and respect....
e “advertising” was obviously successful. From the very rst day all appoint-
ments were taken. Last year, the sex counseling service functioned one day a
week and the wait for an appointment grew longer as the year progressed until
last spring when the wait was nearing three months. Of course, emergencies were
always t in somehow....
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
In our rst year we saw a total of cases.... Of the undergraduate females,
per cent of them came requesting birth control. Eleven per cent thought they
were pregnant, but the majority were not. Fourteen students came for the “morn-
ing aer” pill. Two girls were afraid they had venereal disease and they did. Twelve
girls came just to talk about a sexual problem or dilemma and another ten came
for miscellaneous reasons. Since the problems seen at the sex counseling service
fall into three major categories, () requests for birth control, () pregnancy, and ()
sexual dysfunction or concern, our approach to each will be described.
There are very few “routine” requests for birth control in a college population. The
students need and want to talk about so much more than just the relative merits
of pill versus IUD, or how to use a diaphragm. There are three general areas that
we always discuss with students requesting birth control. The first area is sexual
history and begins with the question, “Have you had intercourse?” We want to
know if the girl and/or her boyfriend have questions or worries about sex response,
or specific sexual experiences. We want to know how they feel about their sexual
experiences—happy? sad? perplexed? conflicted? ecstatic?
We see many girls or couples who have not yet had intercourse. ey are in
a close relationship and know they want to have intercourse, but not before they
have the most reliable form of contraception they can get. Another even larger
group of patients has begun having intercourse only recently. Almost per cent
of the freshmen we saw last year fell into one of these two groups. Only per
cent had been non-virgins when they arrived on campus. We give these statistics
to emphasize the number of students who are just beginning full sexual relations.
is is obviously a critical stage in psychosexual development—a time when edu-
cation and counseling can spell the dierence between development and disaster.
e second major area we discuss is the present male-female relationship or
relationships. Are there major problems? If a girl is having intercourse with a num-
ber of partners, how is this aecting her? What has been a student’s pattern of
relating in the past?
e third area we try to cover is, broadly speaking, the student’s background
and relations to family. ere are many current issues such as, whether a girl should
tell her parents she is having intercourse. For most college students, rst sexual
intercourse is intimately tied to feelings about growing up and away from parents,
establishing individual and sexual identity, and the shiing of focus from family of
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orientation to their future family of procreation. Talking about their family’s atti-
tudes, and the sex education they did or did not receive, usually raises moral issues.
We have been impressed by the students’ reaction to this sort of discussion. Far
from bristling at any mention of ethics or values, they seem to welcome a chance
to discuss their own personal moral dilemmas. Perhaps they welcome it because
we are not preaching. What we are trying to do is to help them think through the
meaning of their sexuality and sexual behavior for themselves and their partners....
Pregnancy poses somewhat different issues for the sex counseling service. To begin
with, the fact of pregnancy needs to be established. If a girl is pregnant, we talk to
her or, more often, to the couple, about alternatives. Abortion has been the deci-
sion in almost every case we have seen. There is a need to focus on the realities of
the situation—when and how, finances and the involvement or non-involvement
of parents. If a girl is to be aborted legally she (and often her boyfriend) is seen by
one of the Department of University Health psychiatrists and he, as well as the
sex counseling service gynecologist, submit letters to the hospital committee on
abortion. If they approve, then the gynecologist member of our team performs
the abortion at the Yale-New Haven Hospital. If the girl is under , there must
be signed permission from one parent. Although most students are resistant to the
idea of involving parents, it has been our experience that parents are amazingly
supportive in this crisis. In some instances, it has created a relationship between
parent and child that is closer than ever before.
e sex counseling service places great stress on the importance of follow-up
aer an abortion. e same psychiatrist who saw the girl or couple before will see
them at least once aerward. Ideally, he will see them within a few days, again a
week or two later, and again six months later. In addition to its therapeutic value
for the students, it is hoped this procedure will increase our understanding of the
emotional sequelae of abortion among college students.
An important subcategory in our consideration of pregnancy are those girls
or couples who have intercourse without birth control at a time when they might
become pregnant. In these cases, the morning aer pill ( mgs of diethylstilbes-
trol) is prescribed, and there have been no failures. However, we nd that in many
instances these students merit the same concern and professional input as girls
who actually do become pregnant. Although almost all are seen on an emergency
basis, they are given a follow-up appointment so that we can discuss birth control
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
and the possible reasons for their non-use of contraception. We have found cer-
tain factors to be signicant: ignorance, promiscuity, fear of infertility, desire for
pregnancy, crisis over feminine identity, and many misconceptions about sexual
response. In other words, the request for the morning aer pill may well be an
important signal of psychosexual distress....
The campus response to the sex counseling service seems to be very favorable.
Students obviously make use of the service. This year, we are seeing an increas-
ing proportion of males and couples. It is unusual for a student to cancel or miss
an appointment but, when this does happen, the appointment is often “given”
to a roommate or friend. In a student booklet, Sex and the Yale Student, distrib-
uted free to all , undergraduate and graduate students this fall, the students
described the sex counseling service in this way:
“Among modern universities, Yale is almost unique in its creation of a spe-
cial department at DUH (the Department of University Health) to deal with the
sexual problems and questions of its students.... So consider yourself very lucky....”
....
e administration of the college and of the health service have been excep-
tionally helpful. ey were instrumental in starting the sex counseling service and
have continued to support it. e Department of University Health will be mov-
ing into a new building next year, and provision is being made for the sex counsel-
ing service to become a regular part of the health care plan which is to be initiated
at that time.
At rst, we were concerned about the possible reaction of the alumni and par-
ents, for example, to the prescription of contraception. In fact, there has been little
or no opposition and some very positive support. e father of one of the girls we
saw is a college president and having learned about the experience of his daughter
has since started a sex counseling program on his campus modeled aer Yale’s.
When a widely distributed national newspaper mentioned that Yale had a new
service that prescribed contraception, we thought there might be adverse reaction
on the part of the alumni, but the Alumni Oce forwarded the protest mail to us;
it consisted of one letter. In addition, there were many favorable responses.
Excerpted from Philip M. Sarrel and Lorna J. Sarrel, “A Sex Counseling Service for College
Students,” American Journal of Public Health, vol. , no. (July ), pp. –. Printed
by permission of the American Public Health Association.
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Sex and the Yale Student
by the Student Committee on Human Sexuality
e following excerpts are om the original edition of the Yale sex booklet itself.
Among its notable aspects is its ank discussion of abortion as an available alternative,
at a time when Connecticut law permitted abortion only to save a pregnant woman’s
life. e booklet provides a glimpse of the world between abortion law on the books and
abortion law as enforced—at least for university students at a time and place when
community support for criminalizing abortion was eroding. Note the student writers’
observation that “no one is humiliated or lectured” when seeking help at Yale for preg-
nancy. Note also the authors’ self-awareness that their access to professional advice and
safe abortion placed them “among a privileged group” at a time when many women,
in Connecticut and elsewhere, lacked those options. We place the excerpts concerning
sex counseling at Yale among the “repeal” materials because although the students and
their counselors were not engaged in advocacy, they proceeded on the assumption that
the decision to terminate a pregnancy belonged to the individuals directly involved; for
this community, at least, the old prohibitions had functionally ceased to exist.
If indeed you are pregnant, you must make two major decisions. First you must
decide whether or not to have the child. If you decide to have the child, then you
must decide whether or not to keep it. Other decisions which you will have to
make include whether or not to involve your boyfriend, your family and others.
Perhaps, most important is the issue of understanding why you became pregnant.
If you decide not to have the child, your alternative is abortion. e change in
social climate and in medical practice in recent years has made legal and safe abor-
tion readily available. Yale students will nd detailed information on this subject
in the section of this pamphlet on abortion and in the section on Yale services.
If you decide to carry through your pregnancy, you may avoid many of the
doubts that oen accompany getting an abortion. But, having the child may still
involve dierent problems of its own. You may wish to get married and keep the
baby. However, this is not always possible or desirable. Still, one parent alone may
want to keep the baby and may be willing to cope with the diculties. But, if
you don’t want an abortion and if you don’t feel that either of you can keep your
child, you might decide to have the child adopted. In any of these cases it should
be noted that school policy at Yale allows you to stay in school while you are preg-
nant. Repeat. No girl will be asked to leave school because she is pregnant. On the
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
other hand, if you wish to leave school because of pregnancy, the Sex Counseling
Service will be glad to tell you about living-in resources here and in other commu-
nities which students have used in the past.
If you are thinking about having your child adopted, the rst thing you should
do is to get in touch with one of the licensed child placing agencies in Connecti-
cut. e Counseling Service will be able to advise you, as there are several agencies
in New Haven [list of agencies omitted]
, doubts about adoption, keeping your child, or carry-
ing through your pregnancy once you are sure that you are pregnant, go to the Sex
Counseling Service. Don’t panic; you have several alternatives and the Counseling
Service can help you make a rational decision that is right for you.
What happens when birth control is no longer the main concern? What happens
when you find yourself the potential mother or father of an unwanted child?
At this point it is no use to castigate yourself or doubt your morality. Once you
have determined that you are denitely pregnant, you may decide that you want
an abortion.
YOU DO NOT HAVE TO HAVE AN ILLEGAL ABORTION. Repeat.
YOU DO NOT HAVE TO LOOK FOR A CRIMINAL ABORTIONIST.
Excellent services are available for women who need them. Connecticut statute
says an abortion may be legally performed to “save the life of the mother or the
fetus.” While this does sound a bit cryptic, it does allow physicians to save your
life by preventing you from taking matters into your own hands and seeking assis-
tance—and perhaps, death, from a criminal abortionist.
In the chapter on Yale services, the necessary steps are outlined. It is a simple,
private, and safe way to terminate a pregnancy. No one is humiliated or lectured.
In fact, by all accounts, Yale and its excellent personnel not only help to reduce
personal trauma, but also, oddly enough, have seen the whole experience evolve
into a positive one. Hard to believe—but true.
is section will attempt to explain what the abortion itself is all about,
what the methods are, and which are applicable at what time. In all instances,
the working denition for abortion is termination of a pregnancy before a fetus
can survive.
REPEAL
-
If you are under you will need parental consent to have an abortion at Yale-
New Haven or most any hospital. Knowing that this will cause unhappiness,
disappointment, or real anger in your parents, you may be tempted to find a pri-
vate abortionist, not connected with hospital facilities. Don’t. We don’t like to
preach—but truly death or permanent disability is not a worthwhile alternative to
facing parents with your problem. Not everyone suffers from a criminal abortion,
but it is a terrible risk to take—especially when you don’t have to. Those students
aborted last year who were under the age of were able to involve at least one
of their parents, and this was all that was necessary. In almost all instances, the
feeling afterwards of the family as well as that of the couple involved was that
involvement of the family turned out to be a very good thing in helping the couple
handle the crisis.
Opportunity to receive an abortion in this country discriminates against the
poor, the ignorant and the disadvantaged. e situation is getting better, but at
this writing, college students are among a privileged group. You are privileged in
that you have access to information that some would and many have given their
lives for in previous times when abortion was a suppressed and criminal practice.
If it is impossible for you to have an abortion done at YNH Medical Center the
Counseling Service at Dept. of University Health will help you to nd a non-hos-
pital abortion done by a physician under safe conditions. In New Haven, the most
reputable referral service can be found by calling the Clergy Counseling Service
for Problem Pregnancy
....Concerned clergymen, seeing a desperate need, have been able to help
frantic women nd skilled physicians in order to avoid the atrocities of criminal
abortion....
Here is the rub. Even at minimal charges, expenses at any hospital, Yale included,
pile up. Costs come to between and . (A half hour in an operating
room today for any reason costs a patient about just for the room. The other
costs are for anesthesia, nursing, hospital bed, laboratory work, and the doctor’s
fee.) Exceptions and terms may be arranged, but at the present time, any way you
look at it an abortion is a great deal more expensive than buying the pill once
a month. An illegal abortion may cost you anywhere from to ,—of
course, that is not counting the money any complications and check-ups may cost
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
and certainly not including the added fear and anxiety. Efforts are being made
to bring costs down to a feasible scale, and this has been accomplished somewhat
both here in New Haven and in New York. But, at the present time abortion is
still a large expense.
While the trend in abortion laws seems to be towards liberalization, abortion is
still not a simple decision by a woman who wishes to end her pregnancy. Although
Yale-New Haven has a more equitable procedure than most, it still entails seeing a
psychiatrist, getting permission from a hospital committee, paying out large sums
of money, and going through channels. Furthermore, even if abortion should
become a totally individual decision (it is almost at that stage now), it would not
eradicate all of the tension, ambivalence, and emotional upset of having to termi-
nate a pregnancy. While the abortion can be made into a positive part of one’s
education, it is not an essential lesson....
It is this committee’s opinion, however, that while more enlightened abortion
procedures are essential, we would not like to see abortion as a means of birth
control. Abortions—even inexpensive, quick abortions—demand decisions,
emotions, and professional time that need not be so utilized if an eective birth
control program is being used. Hopefully, birth control methods will soon be
so widespread and so sophisticated that the need for abortions will decrease. In
the meantime, should a birth control failure occur, abortion will be increasingly
available.
A special unit has been created at the Yale-New Haven Hospital. Access to this
unit is available to all students through DUH. In accordance with Connecticut
law, all women desiring a legal abortion must be seen by a gynecologist and a psy-
chiatrist. Students who need and wish these services will be referred by DUH to
the hospital unit responsible for submitting a petition to the hospital commit-
tee. If the petition meets the requirements of Connecticut law, it will be granted.
The decision is reached in a few days’ time. All students for whom permission was
requested last year were approved.
Parental consent is required by law for minors for any operation, however
slight. Abortions are in no way dierent, so if you are under and desire a legal
abortion, at least one of your parents must give consent. In many cases, it is appro-
REPEAL
priate for one’s boyfriend to be involved in the discussions with the professional
sta. e cost for abortion is about .. is cost includes all follow-up visits.
If it is impossible for a student to tell her parents and she is under , she will
be referred through DUH to the Clergy Counseling Service for Problem Preg-
nancy where she will be told how and where abortion can be performed safely and
legally....
REMEMBER, THERE IS ALWAYS SOMETHING YOU CAN DO.
DON’T TAKE A CHANCE WITH AN ILLEGAL ABORTIONIST.
ITCOULD MEAN YOUR LIFE.
Copyright by Philip Sarrel, M.D. Reprinted by permission of Philip Sarrel, M.D.
RELIGION
Union for Reform Judaism, th General Assembly,
Montreal, uebec (November )
Religious denominations that had paid little, if any, attention to abortion began to feel
obligated, beginning in the mid-s, to take a stand on an increasingly visible issue
with implications for personal morality and religious doctrine. In this section, we oer
a sampling of the ocial policy statements that resulted om what was oen prolonged
and serious study. Protestant churches arrayed themselves along a spectrum, advocating
positions om moderate reform to outright repeal of existing abortion laws. It is worth
noting that even the most conservative of the Protestant denominations le the door
open to reform along a therapeutic model. While all of the statements presented here
pre-date the Supreme Court’s ruling in Roe v. Wade, we indicate denominations that
revised their positions in the decade aer Roe.
e Jewish community included a range of viewpoints. e Orthodox Jewish leader-
ship opposed reform. In , the Rabbinical Council of America, the largest Orthodox
rabbinical organization, pronounced itself “concerned with the deterioration of moral
values in our society of which permissive abortion is a signicant symptom” and called
for repeal of state laws that had liberalized the grounds for abortion.
e Reform Jewish leadership, by contrast, had issued this statement in .
Humane considerations motivate us to speak out in the name of our United States
members in favor of needed revisions in the abortion laws of many states. In recent
months the moral imperative to modernize abortion legislation has become and
important issue in the legislatures of many states.
Each year a great number of American women, many of them married, seek
abortions. Most existing state statutes penalize the poor who cannot aord recourse
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
to those services which the more auent in our society can and do nd. But for the
poor or auent alike, illegal abortions yearly take a tragic and needless toll.
We commend those states which have enacted humane legislation in this area
and we appeal to other states to do likewise and permit abortions under such cir-
cumstances as threatened disease or deformity of the embryo or fetus, threats to
the physical and mental health of the mother, rape and incest and the social, eco-
nomic and psychological factors that might warrant therapeutic termination of
pregnancy.
We urge our constituent congregations to join with other forward looking
citizens in securing needed revisions and liberalization of abortion laws.
Printed by permission of the Union for Reform Judaism.
United Methodist Church,
Statement of Social Principles ()
e ocial statements on abortion issued by Protestant denominations before Roe dem-
onstrate that, although there was a diversity of views about abortion, there was wide-
spread agreement—even among conservative and evangelical denominations—that the
law ought to be reformed. e Board of Christian Social Concerns of the United Meth-
odist Church (UMC), in , adopted a Statement of Responsible Parenthood, which
called for the decriminalization of abortion. e Methodist Statement “challenge[d]
society to responsible parenthood,” marked by population control, so that the dignity of
persons was not threatened by “crises of insucient food, diminishing space, and pollu-
tion of the environment”; and birth control, so that all children were wanted. In ,
abortion was incorporated into the Methodist Statement of Social Principles. Note that
the Methodist statement invokes the sanctity of life, as Catholic doctrinal statements
also did. But the Methodists armed not only the value of fetal life but also the life of
the pregnant woman.
Our belief in the sanctity of unborn human life makes us reluctant to approve
abortion. But we are equally bound to respect the sacredness of the life and well-
being of the mother, for whom devastating damage may result from an unaccept-
able pregnancy. In continuity with past Christian teaching, we recognize tragic
conflicts of life with life that may justify abortion. We call all Christians to a
searching and prayerful inquiry into the sorts of conditions that may warrant
abortion. We support the removal of abortion from the criminal code, placing it
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instead under laws relating to other procedures of standard medical practice. A
decision concerning abortion should be made only after thorough and thoughtful
consideration by the parties involved, with medical and pastoral counsel.
Excerpted from e Social Principles from the Book of Discipline of the United Methodist
Church (). Reprinted by permission.
Southern Baptist Convention,
Resolution on Abortion (June )
In , the American Baptist Convention (now called the American Baptist Churches)
adopted a statement calling abortion a matter of “responsible personal decision” and
declaring that it should be oered as an “elective medical procedure” at the “request of
the individual” before the end of the rst trimester of pregnancy.
e more conservative evangelical Southern Baptist Convention’s (SBC) rst resolu-
tion on abortion, adopted in June , essentially endorsed the American Law Insti-
tute’s model for liberalization. While the Convention resolved that it was the state’s
responsibility to protect the sanctity of life, its justication for doing so was at least
in part secular—the obligation of society “to protect those who cannot protect them-
selves”—and one that must be balanced with other equally important values, such as the
life and health of pregnant women. e resolution called on Southern Baptists to work
for legislation to permit abortion “under such conditions as rape, incest, clear evidence
of fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the
emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother.”
is language is striking today, in light of the SBC’s current position, seeking to
recriminalize abortion except in cases where childbirth would endanger a woman’s
life. In the years aer Roe, the leadership of the SBC became increasingly conservative
and fundamentalist, culminating in with either the “Conservative Resurgence,” in
the parlance of those who had succeeded in gaining power within the denomination, or
“Fundamentalist Takeover,” as it was described by the moderates who were replaced.
With this shi in leadership came a fundamental shi in the Convention’s understand-
ing of abortion. e Resolution understands abortion as a dicult question entail-
ing competing values of the sanctity of human life and the health and life of women and
discusses the issue only in these terms, without reference to God or the Bible. In contrast,
the Resolution, passed simultaneously with the Conservative Resurgence, cites the
Bible as the source of its views on abortion, and understands abortion as a “moral” as
well as “spiritual concern,” characterizing non-therapeutic abortion as “selsh” and as a
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
threat to “our society’s moral sensitivity.” By , the SBC had completely transformed
its view of abortion, advocating a constitutional amendment that would prohibit abor-
tion except to save the life of the woman—this is the position the Convention holds today.
WHEREAS, Christians in the American society today are faced with dicult
decisions about abortion; and
WHEREAS, Some advocate that there be no abortion legislation, thus making
the decision a purely private matter between a woman and her doctor; and
WHEREAS, Others advocate no legal abortion, or would permit abortion only if
the life of the mother is threatened;
erefore, be it RESOLVED, that this Convention express the belief that soci-
ety has a responsibility to arm through the laws of the state a high view of the
sanctity of human life, including fetal life, in order to protect those who cannot
protect themselves; and
Be it further RESOLVED, that we call upon Southern Baptists to work for leg-
islation that will allow the possibility of abortion under such conditions as rape,
incest, clear evidence of severe fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence
of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical health of the
mother.
Reprinted by permission of the Southern Baptist Convention.
National Association of Evangelicals,
Statement on Abortion ()
e National Association of Evangelicals (NAE) also endorsed a moderate reform posi-
tion during this period. In , the organization denounced Roe, stating that “we
deplore in the strongest possible terms the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court which has
made it legal to terminate a pregnancy for no better reason than personal convenience
or sociological considerations.” But at the same time, this statement rearmed
support tor therapeutic abortion: “[W]e recognize the necessity for therapeutic abor-
tion to safeguard the health or the life of the mother....” In a resolution on “Man
and Woman,” the NAE continued to “[r]earm its resolution of attesting to the
sacredness of life, opposing abortion on demand and recognizing the possible need for
therapeutic abortion to preserve the health or life of the mother.”
RELIGION
Abortion has been catapulted into the forefront of the ethical problems con-
fronting evangelicals today. The issue has been nurtured in a general climate of
moral relativism, a growing sexual permissiveness, and a threatening population
explosion.
e moral issue of abortion is more than a question of the freedom of a woman
to control the reproductive functions of her body. It is rather a question of those
circumstances under which a human being may be permitted to take the life of
another. We believe that all life is a gi of God, so that neither the life of the
unborn child nor the mother may be lightly taken. We believe that God, Himself,
in Scripture, has conferred divine blessing upon unborn infants and has provided
penalties for actions which result in the death of the unborn.
Evangelicals, as much if not more than other citizens, must be involved in the
decision making process as virtually every state legislature considers abortion leg-
islation. e National Association of Evangelicals therefore arms its conviction
that abortion on demand for reasons of personal convenience, social adjustment
or economic advantage is morally wrong, and expresses its rm opposition to any
legislation designed to make abortion possible for these reasons.
At the same time we recognize the necessity for therapeutic abortions to safe-
guard the health or the life of the mother, as in the case of tubular pregnancies.
Other pregnancies, such as those resulting from rape or incest may require deliber-
ate termination, but the decision should be made only aer there has been medi-
cal, psychological and religious counseling of the most sensitive kind.
Printed by permission of the National Association of Evangelicals.
Humanae Vitae, Encyclical Letter of the
Supreme Pontiff Paul VI (July , )
Traditionally, Christian doctrine—Catholic and Protestant alike—condemned the use
of contraception as interfering with the procreative aims of sex. In the early th century,
however, views on birth control began to shi. e rst ocial proclamation of this
shi was a resolution by the Anglican bishops in , reversing the Anglican Church’s
earlier prohibition on contraception, and declaring its use permissible for those with a
“clearly felt moral obligation to limit or avoid parenthood, and...a morally sound reason
for avoiding complete abstinence.” e Catholic Church refused to follow suit. Proclaim-
ing itself the guardian of “integrity and purity of morals,” the Church, in an encyclical
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
written in by Pope Pius XI, denounced those who would separate wedlock om sex
and sex om reproduction, and declared that “any use whatsoever of matrimony exer-
cised in such a way that the act is deliberately ustrated in its natural power to generate
life is an oense against the law of God and of nature, and those who indulge in such
are branded with the guilt of a grave sin.” e encyclical also condemned abortion, even
in cases where a woman’s life or health was endangered, as a violation of “the precept of
God and the law of nature.” e life of the fetus ought not be sacriced to save that of its
mother, for “[t]he life of each is equally sacred.” e wrong of abortion was not only that it
was murder—though, to be sure, abortion was understood as “ direct murder of the inno-
cent”—but also that it reected a desire for childlessness, which was in itself “wicked.”
In the years that followed, Protestant denominations largely followed the Anglicans’
lead, permitting the use of birth control. By the s, however, birth control was the
site of contestation not only between Catholics and Protestants, but also among Catho-
lics. Priests, theologians, and laypeople alike began to question the Church’s stance; of
particular concern was the possibility that the Church’s rigidity would alienate young
Catholics om the Church. In Pope Paul VI, acknowledging that in the face of
recent “scientic, social, and psychological” developments, birth control had become an
“extremely complex and delicate problem,” announced that a Church study of contra-
ception was already underway.
e following year, the United States Supreme Court, in Griswold v. Connecticut
(), ruled that Connecticut’s law banning the use of birth control violated the con-
stitutional right to privacy. In what was taken as a sign of the Church’s changing stance
on contraception, U.S. Catholic bishops did not protest that decision. While maintaining
that Griswold had no bearing on the morality of birth control, they did not dispute the
Court’s holding that contraception fell within a realm of marital privacy that ought to
be ee om state regulation.
Not long aer Griswold, the Pontical Study Commission had reached its con-
clusions. In , aer two years of study, a majority of the Commission agreed that
“[t]he regulation of conception appears necessary for many couples who wish to achieve
a responsible, open and reasonable parenthood in today’s circumstances.” In its report
entitled “Responsible Parenthood,” the majority concluded that “the morality of sexual
acts between married people....does not...depend upon the direct fecundity of each and
every particular act,” but rather “om the ordering of their actions in a uitful married
life, that is one which is practiced with responsible, generous and prudent parenthood.”
Contraception, though pointedly not abortion, was permissible in aid of this responsible
parenthood.
e Minority Report rejected this conclusion. If contraception were deemed licit, the
report warned, the very legitimacy of the papacy would be threatened: “If it should be
RELIGION
declared that contraception is not evil in itself, then we should have to concede ankly
that the Holy Spirit had been on the side of the Protestant churches in .” Further-
more, permitting contraception would lead to “more serious evils,” such as masturba-
tion, homosexuality, or abortion.
Both papers, intended to be condential, were leaked to the National Catholic
Reporter in . It was therefore a shock when the Pope, in , issued Humanae
Vitae, an encyclical adopting the minority position. With procreation the only “mean-
ing and purpose” of the “act of mutual love” between husband and wife, the encyclical
reasoned, there could be no “ direct interruption of the generative process.” at meant,
of course, that abortion was prohibited—a conclusion so obvious and logically impelled
by the rest of the encyclical as to appear almost as an aside to the document’s main argu-
ment. Note that this articulation of the wrong of abortion is embedded in an account of
the wrong of contraception; indeed, it is understood to be the same wrong. Abortion is
listed as one of several “unlawful birth control methods,” all of which “contradict[] the
moral order,” by separating sex om reproduction.
e encyclical also adopted the slippery-slope argument of the Minority Report:
not only was it immoral for humans to use technology to thwart the natural procreative
consequences of sex, but to permit such a use could lead to “marital indelity and a
general lowering of moral standards.” Interestingly, the encyclical is directed not only
at Catholics, but also makes a direct appeal to “public authorities,” urging the “rulers
of nations” to adopt policies that aid families and facilitate population control without
violating the “moral law.”
The transmission of human life is a most serious role in which married people
collaborate freely and responsibly with God the Creator. It has always been a
source of great joy to them, even though it sometimes entails many difficulties and
hardships.
e fulllment of this duty has always posed problems to the conscience of
married people, but the recent course of human society and the concomitant
changes have provoked new questions. e Church cannot ignore these ques-
tions, for they concern matters intimately connected with the life and happiness
of human beings.
....
’
. Men rightly observe that a conjugal act imposed on one’s partner without
regard to his or her condition or personal and reasonable wishes in the matter, is no
true act of love, and therefore offends the moral order in its particular application
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
to the intimate relationship of husband and wife. If they further reflect, they must
also recognize that an act of mutual love which impairs the capacity to transmit
life which God the Creator, through specific laws, has built into it, frustrates His
design which constitutes the norm of marriage, and contradicts the will of the
Author of life. Hence to use this divine gift while depriving it, even if only par-
tially, of its meaning and purpose, is equally repugnant to the nature of man and
of woman, and is consequently in opposition to the plan of God and His holy will.
But to experience the gift of married love while respecting the laws of conception
is to acknowledge that one is not the master of the sources of life but rather the
minister of the design established by the Creator. Just as man does not have unlim-
ited dominion over his body in general, so also, and with more particular reason,
he has no such dominion over his specifically sexual faculties, for these are con-
cerned by their very nature with the generation of life, of which God is the source.
“Human life is sacred—all men must recognize that fact,” Our predecessor Pope
John XXIII recalled. “From its very inception it reveals the creating hand of God.”
. Therefore We base Our words on the first principles of a human and Chris-
tian doctrine of marriage when We are obliged once more to declare that the direct
interruption of the generative process already begun and, above all, all direct abor-
tion, even for therapeutic reasons, are to be absolutely excluded as lawful means of
regulating the number of children. Equally to be condemned, as the magisterium
of the Church has affirmed on many occasions, is direct sterilization, whether of
the man or of the woman, whether permanent or temporary.
Similarly excluded is any action which either before, at the moment of, or aer
sexual intercourse, is specically intended to prevent procreation—whether as an
end or as a means....
....
. And now We wish to speak to rulers of nations. To you most of all is com-
mitted the responsibility of safeguarding the common good. You can contribute
so much to the preservation of morals. We beg of you, never allow the morals of
your peoples to be undermined. The family is the primary unit in the state; do
not tolerate any legislation which would introduce into the family those practices
which are opposed to the natural law of God. For there are other ways by which a
government can and should solve the population problem—that is to say by enact-
RELIGION
ing laws which will assist families and by educating the people wisely so that the
moral law and the freedom of the citizens are both safeguarded.
Reprinted by permission of Libreria Editrice Vaticana.
Human Life in Our Day: Pastoral Letter by the National
Conference of Catholic Bishops (November , )
By the time Humanae Vitae was promulgated, a majority of Catholics in the United
States supported the use of articial birth control. e encyclical met with swi, erce,
and public opposition, om clergy and laity alike. e day aer its release, Roman
Catholic theologians issued a statement, published in the New York Times, dissenting
om the encyclical. Married couples, the theologians stated, “may responsibly decide
according to their conscience that articial contraception in some circumstances is per-
missible and indeed necessary to preserve and foster the values and sacredness of mar-
riage.” Eventually, over theologians joined this statement.
e Association of Washington Priests issued a similar “Declaration of Conscience,”
signed by priests of the Washington diocese. When the dissenting priests refused to
back down, Cardinal O’Boyle, the Archbishop of Washington disciplined them, remov-
ing several om their parishes. is galvanized resistance among lay Catholics, thou-
sands of whom demonstrated at the November meeting of the National Conference of
Catholic Bishops. eir keynote speaker was Senator Eugene McCarthy.
On November , , the National Conference of Catholic Bishops issued a pas-
toral letter hoping to calm the controversy. Although the letter strongly supported the
Pope’s stance, referring to “articial contraception” as an “objective evil,” the Bishops
also acknowledged that certain “circumstances may reduce moral guilt,” and that the
decision to use contraception is a matter of individual conscience. e wide-ranging
pastoral letter “ in defense of life” not only presented this compromise on birth control,
but also expressed an understanding of the sanctity of human life as threatened by more
than just nonprocreative sex. ese “[f]urther threats to life” included not only abortion,
but also nuclear arms, the war in Vietnam, and limitations on the number of children
those receiving social support were permitted to have.
. We honor God when we reverence human life. When human life is served,
man is enriched and God is acknowledged. When human life is threatened,
man is diminished and God is less manifest in our midst.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
. A Christian defense of life should seek to clarify in some way the relationship
between the love of life and the worship of God. One cannot love life unless
he worships God, at least implicitly, nor worship God unless he loves life.
. e purpose of this Pastoral Letter of the United States bishops is precisely
the doctrine and defense of life....
. We are prompted to speak this year in defense of life for reasons of our pasto-
ral obligation to dialogue within the believing community concerning what
faith has to say in response to the threat to life in certain problems of the
family and of war and peace.
....
. Married couples faced with conicting duties are oen caught in agonizing
crises of conscience. For example, at times it proves dicult to harmonize the
sexual expression of conjugal love with respect for the life-giving power of
sexual union and the demands of responsible parenthood....
. We feel bound to remind Catholic married couples, when they are subjected
to the pressures which prompt the Holy Father’s concern, that however cir-
cumstances may reduce moral guilt, no one following the teaching of the
Church can deny the objective evil of articial contraception itself. With
pastoral solicitude we urge those who have resorted to articial contracep-
tion never to lose heart but to continue to take full advantage of the strength
which comes from the Sacrament of Penance and the grace, healing, and
peace in the Eucharist....
. e position taken by the Holy Father in his encyclical troubled many. e
reasons for this are numerous. Not a few had been led and had led others to
believe that a contrary decision might be anticipated. e mass media which
largely shape public opinion have, as the Holy Father himself pointed out,
at times amplied the voices which are contrary to the voice of the Church.
en, too, doctrine on this point has its eect not only on the intellects of
those who hear it but on their deepest emotions; it is hardly surprising that
negative reactions have ranged from sincere anguish to angry hurt or bitter
disappointment, even among devout believers. Finally, a decision on a point
so long uncontroverted and only recently confronted by new questions was
bound to meet with mixed reactions.
....
RELIGION
. At this tense moment in our history, when external wars and internal vio-
lence make us so conscious of death, an armation of the sanctity of human
life by renewed attention to the family is imperative. Let society always be on
the side of life. Let it never dictate, directly or indirectly, recourse to the pre-
vention of life or to its destruction in any of its phases; neither let it require as
a condition of economic assistance that any family yield conscientious deter-
mination of the number of its children to the decision of persons or agencies
outside the family.
. Stepped-up pressures for moral and legal acceptance of directly procured
abortion make necessary pointed reference to this threat to the right to life.
Reverence for life demands freedom from direct interruption of life once it is
conceived. Conception initiates a process whose purpose is the realization of
human personality. A human person, nothing more and nothing less, is always
at issue once conception has taken place. We expressly repudiate any contra-
dictory suggestion as contrary to Judeo-Christian traditions inspired by love
for life, and Anglo-Saxon legal traditions protective of life and theperson.
© . Reprinted by permission of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.
REACTION
In this section, we show how opponents of legalized abortion, led by the Catholic
Church, reacted against the forces of change. They sought common cause with
allies in other communities by framing their arguments in secular rather than
religious terms and increasingly by entering the political arena. In the documents
here, we see organizations moving into action and searching for strategies. The
documents illustrate a fact that is often overlooked today: a vigorous reaction was
underway well before the Supreme Court decision. The Court, of course, was to
become a focus of the reaction, but the decision in Roe v. Wade neither started nor
ended the debate over abortion.
New Jersey Catholic Bishops’ Letter
A pamphlet issued in by the New Jersey Catholic Conference while the state’s
legislature was considering whether to repeal New Jersey’s law criminalizing abor-
tion represents an eort by the Catholic Church to mobilize the broader community
—“all of our fellow citizens”— in common opposition to the legislation. e pamphlet
not only emphasizes the ecumenical nature of the cause but also draws on secular
sources of law—including the Declaration of Independence and the United Nations
Declaration on the Rights of the Child—to anchor its argument in common ground
that is not exclusively Catholic. e references to secular law, such as the law’s recog-
nition that damages can be collected in some circumstances for prenatal injuries, will
reappear in briefs led on behalf of the state in Roe v. Wade. e pamphlet seeks to
demonstrate that opposition to abortion need not depend on acceptance of Catholic
religious doctrine.
is was only one of many such eorts, by the Church itself, by Catholic organi-
zations, and by individuals, to translate opposition to abortion that was based on
religious faith into secular language that could persuade others outside their religious
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
tradition. e National Right to Life Committee (NRLC), for example, which had
been under the supervision of—and funded by—the National Conference of Catholic
Bishops since its founding (under a dierent name) in , broke o its formal alia-
tion with the Church in in order to increase its appeal to non-Catholic audiences.
But the NRLC retained its orientation to the Catholic tradition, struggling to reconcile
the opposition of many of its members to birth control with the organization’s aim to
broaden its appeal.
To: e Catholic Community of New Jersey
and to all of Our Fellow Citizens of the State.
From: New Jersey’s Catholic Bishops.
Once again it becomes necessary for us to address ourselves to the problem of the
protection of human life.
Recently, the State Study Commission on Abortion concluded its work.
Unfortunately, the results of this study are under a shadow. Four of the nine Com-
mission members felt it necessary to issue dissenting opinions from the report
written by the Commission chairman, and at least one other member was never
present at any of the three public hearings where testimony was gathered. We, too,
must conscientiously dissent from the chairman’s report, which attempts to solve
many of society’s problems at the expense of unborn human life.
is controversy is raging not only in New Jersey but throughout the country.
In recent months, the pressure has shied from limited changes in the law to a
determined drive for abortion on demand.
We speak today as religious leaders, not to our Catholic community of faith
and worship alone but to all of our fellow citizens. e question of abortion is
a moral problem transcending a particular theological approach. We have been
heartened by the support of many leaders of other religious persuasions. In par-
ticular we commend the eorts of those clergymen and laity, of all religious per-
suasions and of none, who have formed the State Right to Life Committee. We
invite the cooperation of all to recognize and eliminate the danger of the erosion
of respect for human life that proposed bills may sanction for our State.
We are saddened by those who accuse us of being insensitive to human prob-
lems, even some who have been our allies in the ght against poverty and discrimi-
nation, and for the improvement of the quality of life in our society.
Certainly, the Catholic people have demonstrated their concern for human
needs: among many manifestations of this, we note the hospitals, guidance clinics,
REACTION
homes for the elderly and homes for unwed mothers which have been built by
their nancial contributions, oen at great personal sacrice.
Now, Catholics must assume their responsibility to involve themselves in the
abortion issue, which will have such a profound and long-range eect upon our
society and our family life.
It is, indeed, the very matter of life which is at stake. Medical science has
informed us that at the moment of conception there comes into being a unique
human life in the microscopically tiny egg cell. Contained in this cell is the blue-
print for the development of the whole human person, factors which will inuence
the temperament, physique, eye, hair and skin color, and even intellectual capac-
ity. is cell’s tissue composition is distinct from its mother’s tissue and would be
rejected from her body were it not to be enclosed in the amniotic sac.
e unborn child’s civil rights have increasingly been recognized by the law.
We recall, in particular, that case in which the mother was forced by the courts
against her religious convictions to have a blood transfusion to maintain her baby’s
life. Likewise, the unborn child’s rights of inheritance and medical or economic
support, his right to recover damages for injury suered in the womb are armed
by the courts. In short, the law has cast itself in the role of safeguarding the rights
of the unborn.
How much more important it is that the law continue to protect that most
basic right of life itself—the right upon which all others are based!
As religious leaders, we are involved daily with people in situations of distress.
We recognize the complex diculties facing so many women and families. But
abortion not only fails to solve the underlying causes: it raises even deeper prob-
lems. We are haunted by the wide spectrum of possibilities opened by an accep-
tance of easy abortion. Once we sanction, for the sake of expedience, the taking of
an innocent human life at its beginnings, how can we logically protect human life
at any other point, once that life becomes a burden?
Law is an educator. If it allows the destruction of unwanted life, it unavoid-
ably teaches that life is cheap.
We are willing and anxious to cooperate on positive programs to help erase
the demand for abortion. ere is great need for thorough education of all our
citizens to assist them in marriage, family life and responsible sexual behavior.
We urge, also, cooperative eorts in such problems as racial discrimination, eco-
nomic hardship, birth defects, treatment and education of the handicapped, and
increased mental health and counseling facilities.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Our prayer and our plea is that all men of good will in this state will join us in
seeking these solutions, and will reject that most destructive recourse, the killing
of innocent human life in the womb.
[e pamphlet was signed here by ve New Jersey bishops.]
....“e child, by reason of his physical and mental immaturity, needs special safe-
guards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as aer
birth.” —U.N. Declaration on Rights of the Child
...“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they
are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these
are life...” — U.S. Declaration of Independence
“...as a practicing Protestant, I believe that a fetus is a life.”
—Leroy G. Augenstein, COME, LET US PLAY GOD.
“Genetics teaches us that we were from the beginning what we essentially still
are in every cell and in every...attribute. us...genetics seems to have provided
an approximation, from the underside, to the religious belief that there is a soul
animating and forming man’s bodily being from the very beginning.”
—Dr. Paul Ramsey, Protestant eologian,
Professor of Religion, Princeton University
“Even if the fetus is the product of incest or rape, or an abnormality of any kind is
foreseen, the right to life is still his.”
—New Jersey Orthodox Rabbinic Council
Testimony to N.J. Study Commission on Abortion,
“e Christian position is that human life is sacred, and that it may be forcibly
terminated only in certain circumstances, such as by soldiers in war or police in
duty (Romans ) or in capital punishment (Genesis ). Otherwise, willfully to
terminate the image of God, as the Bible calls man, is directly contrary to the
revealed will of God.”
—Edwin H. Palmer, .D., Chairman,
N.J. Right to Life Committee; Pastor, Christian Reformed Church
REACTION
“To raise the question whether we are here concerned already with a human being
or not is merely to confuse the issue. e simple fact is that God certainly intended
to create a human being and that this nascent human being has been deliberately
deprived of his life. And that is nothing but murder.”
—Lutheran eologian Dietrich Bonhoeer, Martyred by the Nazis
“ou shalt not kill.” —e Holy Bible, Exodus :
Can One Person Do Anything About Abortion?
. Abortion is a highly complex issue, involving medical, legal, social and moral
questions. Study it in all its aspects so that your eorts and arguments are
informed and accurate...
. In your personal and business life, use your knowledge and conviction to
inuence others. Most people have only limited and supercial information
about this matter. As citizens, they should be better informed. Don’t be afraid
to tell them what you know.
. Write letters to your representatives in the State Legislature, to the governor
and to other public ocials—attorney general, commissioner of health, etc.—
stating your opposition to changing or repealing the law....
. If possible, contact your representatives personally, by telephone or personal
appointment. ey are there to represent YOU. Ask them their position on
abortion. Provide them with information and reading material. State your
expectation that they will vote against liberalization.
. Seek support from your own organizations—school, social, fraternal, profes-
sional, both religious and secular—urging them to take a stand against easy
abortion laws. Ask them to sponsor a public forum on abortion.
. Write letters to local newspapers, radio stations, television stations and pro-
grams, in rebuttal to or support of articles, letters, editorials and particular
programs. As with political letters, this correspondence should be personal,
sincere, well thought-out and reasonably brief.
. Women ought to be in the forefront of the anti-abortion campaign. As nur-
turers of society as well as new life, their response to this issue will be crucial
in determining which way it goes.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
It has been said that “all that is needed for evil to conquer is for good men
(andwomen) to do nothing.”
Will You Join Us in Trying to Do Something?
Excerpted from pamphlet prepared by New Jersey Catholic Conference and submitted
to New Jersey State Assembly, Public Hearing before the Assembly Judiciary Committee
on Assembly Bill No. [Abortion Bill]. Held April , , Assembly Chamber of the
State House. Trenton, New Jersey. Reprinted by permission of the New Jersey Catholic
Conference.
Abortion in Perspective
by Robert M. Byrn
Robert M. Byrn, a law professor at Fordham University and a leader of the early right-
to-life movement in New York, published this article in . Although he spoke om a
Catholic perspective and was later to serve as one of the lawyers on the National Right
to Life Committee’s Supreme Court brief in Roe v. Wade, he directed his arguments
against abortion reform to the legal profession in general and aimed particular criti-
cism at the American Law Institute’s proposal, which at the time was starting to gain
momentum as a amework for changing existing abortion laws.
The abortion controversy is assuming national proportions. The Association for
the Study of Abortion, a nationwide organization dedicated to a liberalization of
the law, has enlisted a cadre of speakers “to educate the public to reform.” The
Association seems to be politically as well as pedagogically oriented. One of its
spokesmen recently hailed an abortion liberalization bill, introduced at the
session of the New York State Legislature, as a “rallying point for reform forces
in the state.” The abortion debate is already in vigorous progress in several states,
including Pennsylvania and New York, but these states are not unique. Before
long, the entire country will be involved.
What are the issues in the abortion debate? To date, much of what we know
has come from the mass media. Consequently, some of the issues, which lawyers
might conceive to be vital, have been shunted aside in favor of more commercially
exploitable material. Even the legal writing on the subject is tinged with sensation-
alism and...distortions. As a result, if the Bar is to play a meaningful role in the
expanding debate, the issues must be reframed within a legal context....
e American Law Institute has proposed the legalization of abortion if a
REACTION
licensed physician “believes there is a substantial risk that continuance of the preg-
nancy would gravely impair the physical or mental health of the mother or that
the child would be born with a grave physical or mental defect or that the preg-
nancy resulted from rape, incest or other felonious intercourse [statutory rape.]”
Most proposals to liberalize state abortion laws have been similarly structured.
e American Law Institute has classied abortion as an oense against the
family, thereby belittling the homicidal aspects of the crime. Actually, no evalu-
ation of abortion legislation is meaningful if it ignores the fact that an abortion
kills an innocent human being....
Like a person whose skin pigment is other than white, the unborn child is rec-
ognizable as a human being simply because he is a human being. His status must
be governed by this fact and not by the irrelevancies of size, shape, and color....
None of the reasons given by the American Law Institute are sucient for
classifying unborn children as inferior human beings. uite the contrary, the fal-
lacies inherent in the Institute’s position serve to demonstrate the equality of the
unborn child with all other human beings....
As we have seen, there is no qualitative dierence, scientically speaking,
between human life in the womb and human life aer birth. Hence, legislation,
which would remove the life of a person in the womb from the full and equal pro-
tection of the law, would be as discriminatory, as “irrational,” and as inimical to
the equal protection clause as the legislative classication of races....
A medically unnecessary liberalization of the law to include the health of
the mother would open a Pandora’s box of social engineering, having little to do
with medical health. We must ask ourselves, therefore, whether we are prepared
to abandon human beings to the moral and social predilections of individual doc-
tors, or whether we shall continue to extend to these persons the equal protection
of the law regardless of their socio-economic status....
We have a choice in cases of rape-induced pregnancies. We can either kill the
child or we can direct all our ingenuity toward smoothing the way for both the
mother and the child. e latter is the truly humane choice....
ere is another way to attack the problem of illegal abortion. We, as lawyers,
may choose to become the advocates of the cause of the unborn child. In this role,
we shall argue to the American people, as we have done before, that dierences
in size, shape, and color are not valid grounds for taking the life of an innocent
human being. We know, of course, how arduous and uphill such a civil rights bat-
tle can be, and particularly will it be so here because the minority, whose rights are
at stake, is both voiceless and voteless...
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Respect for the sanctity of innocent human life may very well be one of those
rules of conduct upon which the survival of mankind depends. And permissive
abortion seems to go a long way toward abrogating the rule. Perhaps, when all is
said and done, respect for the innocent person’s right to life will turn out to be the
crucial issue in the abortion controversy, and perhaps, it will be lawyers who have
made it so.
Excerpted from the Duquesne University Law Review, vol. , no. (–), pp. –.
Printed by permission of the Duquesne University Law Review.
Abortion and Social Justice
Americans United for Life (AUL), founded in , describes itself as “the country’s
oldest national pro-life organization.” Its early fund-raising material declared that
“abortion is dehumanizing American society” and called on supporters to “help stop
the abortion coalition in its tracks.”
AUL was initially associated with, and funded by, a conservative Catholic organi-
zation, the Society for a Christian Commonwealth. at organization and its magazine,
Triumph, were founded by L. Brent Bozell Jr. (–), a founding editor of William
F. Buckley’s National Review and a former speech writer for Senator Joseph McCarthy.
AUL and Bozell soon split over questions of policy and tactics. Bozell wanted to prohibit
abortion under all circumstances, while AUL’s leadership believed that abortion should
be permitted if necessary to save a pregnant woman’s life. Bozell also advocated more
radical protest tactics that AUL’s leaders feared could slip into violence.
Although the organization was founded and run initially almost entirely by Catho-
lics (its honorary chair was a prominent Catholic actress, Loretta Young), it was ocially
nondenominational, and its goal was to attract broad-based support om Americans of
all faiths. e rst chairman of its board was George Huntson Williams (–), a
Unitarian minister who was a professor at Harvard Divinity School.
As part of its eort to ame an argument against abortion in secular terms, AUL
in sponsored the publication of Abortion and Social Justice, excerpted here. In his
forward to the olume, Rev. Williams explained that “although undoubtedly a religious
conviction inform[ed] many of the [book’s] writers,” their arguments were not “theo-
logical or programmatically religious.” e goal of the book, a collection of essays, was
to promote arguments that would gain support in “a secular society, where state and
church are constitutionally separated,” and where arguments against abortion must be
presented “in terms acceptable to humanists and theists alike.” To that end, the essays
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describe the anti-abortion cause as one of “social justice,” identifying it with the contem-
porary struggle for civil rights; in this context, the goal of the struggle is to end “prejudice”
against a “newly created ‘unwanted class’ of human beings,” the “unwanted children”
facing abortion. Excerpts om three of the essays follow. e authors are listed at the
end of each excerpt.
Abortion is not a private matter. The destruction of human life, even “incipient”
or developing human life in the womb, can never be considered a private matter
under our law. The contention that it is a private matter would be too ludicrous
and absurd to even argue were it not so often put forth under such intellectually
impeccable auspices. Would those civil libertarians who argue that abortion is
a private matter argue that the exercise of civil rights is purely a private matter
between the Black man and the man that thwarts them? Certainly not. Just as the
civil right to vote must be protected by law, so too the most fundamental and basic
of all civil rights—the Right to Life—must be protected by law.
Nor is abortion a merely sectarian religious problem or one for the area of
“private” morality. Abortion is nothing less than a question of civil rights: Does
the unborn child have a civil right to life? If he or she does, is it not then the duty
of all citizens in a pluralistic society, regardless of religious faith or private moral
sensitivities, to protect the unborn child’s civil rights?
In various sections of this paper we have developed the legal rights of the
unborn child in torts, property and equity cases, as well as under the criminal
law. We argue, in still another section, that the purpose of the abortion statutes in
the criminal law was for the protection of the unborn child. Proponents of abor-
tion on demand have very cleverly convinced a segment of the courts that the his-
torical purpose of abortion laws was merely to protect the health of the mother
against the onslaught of young and foolhardy surgeons. Nothing could be fur-
ther from the truth. Although hundreds of types of surgery are performed, why
has only abortion been prohibited by the criminal law? e answer is simple, yet
ignored. Because only in abortion are we talking about the destruction of another
humanlife.
e position that our law takes on abortion indicates the position it will take
on euthanasia, genetic engineering, cloning, and all of the dicult human life
problems facing our society in the years ahead. ose who argue for the unborn
child’s right to life are arguing not only for the unborn child, but for the civil right
to life of every human being—the mentally ill, the aged, the genetically incompe-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
tent, the idle, the useless. If the law vacates the protection of the civil rights of the
innocent child in the womb, it will one day vacate its protection of the civil right
to life of the mentally incompetent, the senile and the hopelessly ill. It will vacate
its protection of your civil rights....
by Dennis J. Horan, Jerome A. Frazel Jr., omas M. Crisham, Dolores B.
Horan, John D. Gorby, John T. Noonan Jr., and David W. Louisell.
....
In the recent advocacy of more permissive abortion policies, there has been a dis-
tinct tendency to take the view that the decision whether or not to resort to abor-
tion is a private, moral decision and is not to be legislated. Many of these same
advocates have stressed the failure of restrictive abortion laws to deter people from
having abortions. Both of these points need to be challenged.
Increasingly through research in psychology, more is being learned about
moral development and its stages. One of the most signicant ndings of this
research is that most adults in any culture are at a stage in moral development
where existing laws and customs are the most important bases for deciding what
is right and wrong. Private morality is inuenced as much by permissive abortion
policies as it is by restrictive abortion policies. e choice is one of deciding which
of two dierent moral viewpoints we want to encourage.
Although it is true that restrictive abortion laws never succeed in prevent-
ing all abortions, as criminal laws generally never succeed in preventing all crime,
they have a demonstrable deterrent eect. Wherever highly permissive laws have
been instituted, the data available show that the total abortion rates have been
increased thereby. Our question, then, is a moral one—namely, what dierence
does it make to have a permissive abortion policy rather than a restrictive one?
e dierence revolves around two issues: the protection of individual life, and
the protection of the welfare of the community.
e Protection of Individual Human Life. In the Preamble to the Declaration
of Independence, the right to life is declared to be an inalienable right. One of
the clear advantages of retaining strict abortion laws is that this policy in no way
erodes or abrogates that kind of public commitment. For the kind of restrictive
abortion policy that we have in mind permits abortion in instances where the life
of a pregnant woman is endangered by carrying her fetus to term. Here the prin-
REACTION
ciple by which life is taken is that of self-defense. We would not, and we do not,
deny people the right to defend themselves against genuine threats to their own
lives, even when this means taking another life.
But what happens if we shi to permissive abortion policies? Surely abortion
advocates do not wish to decrease the right to life and the sanctity that attaches to
life. eir hope is that permissive abortion policies will not have that eect. What
are the facts?
New York State since July , , has a law that permits abortion to be per-
formed at the request of the pregnant woman and with the compliance of a physi-
cian unless the fetus is more than twenty-four weeks old. e principle behind
this policy is to leave decisions about fetuses, provided that they are no more
than twenty-four weeks old, in the private sphere, and to invoke public sanctions
against this decision when this fetus is more than twenty-four weeks old. Presum-
ably, therefore, one could preserve the inalienable right to life of every individual
by claiming that individuals acquire that right when they are more than twenty-
four weeks old. In practice this is not the way it works. Why not?
Women who do not want to bear a child that is developing in their wombs
oen resort to abortion because their fetus has been diagnosed as abnormal or
likely to be abnormal, or because they project a bad life for this child on other
grounds. e argument here is that there are some lives that are not worth liv-
ing.... A life that is considered unworthy to live at twenty-four weeks because it
will be a life of blindness, deafness, mental retardation, or whatever, is logically as
unworthy at twenty-ve weeks as it is at twenty-three, and is as unworthy at birth.
....
If a fetus is unwanted because in prospect its life would be burdensome to
those who would rear it, there is no way of assuring that those who are unwanted
at any stage will be protected from being considered burdensome, and hence
dispensable....
Protection of the Welfare of the Community. Where a permissive abortion
policy is adopted on the principle that abortion is an individual decision, certain
consequences result for the familial life and for the life of the whole community.
ese deserve to be examined and assessed.
One of the apparent benets of permissive abortion policies is that individual
freedom, particularly of women, would seem to be increased. However, a great
deal depends upon the rationale for one’s policy to make abortion accessible on
request. If the argument is that voluntary abortion on request is essential for
bringing down birth rates, then this policy would become a candidate for compul-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
sion if this voluntary abortion policy proved unsuccessful. Such a policy would
not only fail to protect nascent life but would directly assault the freedom and
bodily welfare of women.
Let us examine, however, permissive abortion policies whose purpose is solely
to enhance freedom and not to achieve certain birth rates, since as we have shown,
abortion is not necessary for this latter purpose anyway.... e Commission on
Population Growth and the American Future has asked that abortion on request
apply also to minors. ese moves are made in accord with the principle of complete
individual freedom and privacy in reproductive decisions. Is this what we want? e
eect of completely individualizing reproductive decisions is to drive a considerable
wedge between husband and wife, and, for that matter, between all sexual partners.
Family planning on such a principle would be a totally euphemistic expression.
A similar split and strain in communication occurs between parent and child.
Where minors decide reproductive matters for themselves, physicians would, by
default, be their parents in such privileged communication. Here again family
planning would be a euphemism.
Since the family is the only predictable way in which children can be social-
ized and brought to maturity in an atmosphere of love, one cannot treat lightly
any policy that would further undermine its eectiveness and stability.... e
implications of adopting the principles behind permissive abortion policies, there-
fore, portend great harm and no benets for familial life....
by Arthur J. Dyck
Why does a “civilized” society become so threatened by its own offspring that
it seeks the violence of human abortion to relieve its anxiety? Why do innocent
children become such a threat that parents are moved to destroy them? Why does
a society which attempts to promote peace and justice continue to advocate the
mass slaughter of unborn children? These questions are not easy for anyone to
answer. And yet, that alone does not detract from the reality of their implication:
the reality of a society which is rapidly engulfing itself in fear—a fear which could
eventually mean its dissolution.
is fear, deeply rooted and multicentric in origin, is aiming the fullness of
its grip toward our women and children. It is amply manifest, day in and day out,
by the members of today’s so-termed “auent society” in their unwillingness to
give of themselves to others. For some strange reason (one which is shortchanging
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more and more people as time passes), we have become, in a very striking way, a
society in which one’s own personal self takes total precedence over the selves of
others. We have reached a state of self-orientation while ignoring—and sometimes
eliminating—the other.
As in the case of any new mode of behavior, rationalizations are being devised
for our actions. Like the Negro slavery of the nineteenth century and the Black
discrimination of the twentieth, we are collectively crying “unwanted!”—and
again, it nds its base in the “less than human” penultimate rationale.
Must we not accuse ourselves of actively fostering a new prejudice; one involv-
ing a future generation, with its focus on the children of the present generation?
Isn’t this new prejudice quite as deep in its roots as those of the past and poten-
tially just as destructive? We now callously, and oen ippantly, refer to our o-
spring as “unwanted”; almost as if we never really thought about what it means
to be unwanted nor paused long enough to recognize who is doing the unwanting!
Isn’t there a strong parallel between the unquestioningly accepted notion of “every
pregnancy a planned pregnancy” and the degree to which “unwantedness” has
spread in the last decade? Certainly, it is now easy to accept automatically any
unplanned pregnancy as an unwanted child. is, to the ultimate abuse of the
child—abortion.
Perhaps we must again perceive the creeping nature of bias and the role it has
played in this latest development, the “unwanted prejudice.” Doesn’t this euphe-
mistic categorization of a newly created “unwanted class” of human beings really
represent a subtle shi in our national and individual discriminations? In a time
when so much progress has been made in re-establishing the rights of the minor-
ity—rights which have always been theirs, but through subtle persuasion (and
sometimes not so subtle) were denied them—we have, for the lack of a prejudicial
target, refocused our discrimination toward the child, his mother and his family.
We are literally abandoning women and children, as we abandoned the Indians,
the Blacks and others, in the past.
....
e faithless abandonment of women and children, which is so overtly
promoted in today’s society, is rapidly becoming a part of “Americana.” People
unthinkingly promote and advocate it as much as they were all for Mom and
apple pie in times past. Even the women themselves have undertaken this battle
for abandonment, and all under the guise of “liberation”! What will eventually
come from this growing irresponsibility is the awareness that it only expands
and deepens the abortion of peoples. What gradually begins with the violent
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
abortion of the unborn child, before long becomes de facto “social abortion.”
Women who seek abortion of their “unwanted child” nd themselves “socially
aborted” themselves, long before they seek the medical abortionist. ey are
aborted, rejected and unwanted by those close to them—their husbands, parents
and friends....
How do we abolish the aborting society—one which turns its back on those
who need assistance and incites people to turn their backs on themselves and their
own lives? Certainly, the hearts of men must change!....
Certainly, our society cannot accept the “unwanted prejudice,” nor can it justly
allow the mass slaughter of the unborn. What we can, and must, do is change our
hearts, open our hands, extend our help and begin to deeply care. is is really the
basis of an active love—an involvement in life, its beauties and its diculties. is
is the very best we have to oer the woman pregnant and distressed. And this is the
only thing that will abolish the aborting society....
by omas W. Hilgers, Marjory Mecklenburg, and Gayle Riordan
Abortion and Social Justice, edited by omas W. Hilgers, M.D. and Dennis J. Horan, Esq.
Reprinted by permission of Sheed & Ward, an imprint of Rowman & Littleeld Publishers,
Inc. e excerpts appear on pages -; -; and-.
Similarly I Will Not...Cause Abortion
by Robert D. Knapp, Jr., M.D.
Although the leadership of the medical profession was moving, almost uniformly, toward
reform, sentiment within the ranks of the profession was far om uniform. Dr. Robert
D. Knapp, Jr., was a physician on the sta of the Mayo Clinic and a equent lunch
companion of Harry Blackmun’s when Blackmun, during his pre-judicial career, served
as the clinic’s general counsel. In and again in , Dr. Knapp sent his old iend
articles that he had published in medical journals depicting liberalized abortion laws
as a threat to the integrity of the medical profession—articles very dierent in tone om
the other medical articles in Blackmun’s les. Blackmun cordially acknowledged receipt
of the material while oering no comment on its content. His possession of the articles
nonetheless indicates the Court’s awareness that the medical profession held more than
one view on the abortion question.
e excerpt here is om an article published in the October issue of the Journal
of the Louisiana State Medical Society.
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I will use treatment to help the sick according to my ability and judgment,
but never with a view to injury and wrong-doing. Neither will I administer
a poison to anybody when asked to do so, nor will I suggest such a course.
Similarly, I will not give a woman a pessary to cause abortion [text of the
Hippocratic oath].
If I promise to kill no one, I do not mean that I will not kill to defend my own
life. On the contrary, I would kill even to defend my neighbor’s life. Similarly, if I
promise not to cause an abortion, I do not mean that I will avoid such an act even
when I think the baby is killing its mother. A man must step apart from mankind
to remain inactive while someone kills a person whom he could help.
But what if my neighbor says to me, “I will kill myself unless you kill the man
loitering on the sidewalk”? My promise holds in such a case, for the loiterer does
not threaten to kill, and I cannot bring myself to kill him just because he oends
my neighbor. If the neighbor carries out his threat and kills himself, then he has
killed—not I or the loiterer. Similarly, what if a woman says to me, “I will kill
myself, unless you perform an abortion for me or refer me to someone who will”?
My promise holds again. I cannot take part in the killing of her child, for it poses
no threat to her; it is she who threatens to kill.
Also, suppose my neighbor’s son has received a call to arms and has been
ordered to Vietnam or some other battleeld. Since a percentage of young men
are disgured, crazed, or otherwise rendered abnormal in warfare and since many
parents cannot face this prospect, my neighbor may ask me to kill his son to spare
him such a fate. My promise holds again; I would not do such a thing if the young
man himself asked me to do it. More than that, I would not consider killing him
even if the worst one could dream of had already happened. Similarly, if a woman
asks me for an abortion because she had German measles during the early weeks
of pregnancy, because she took thalidomide during that time, or because her last
three children were deformed or had mucoviscidosis [cystic brosis], not only my
promise but my humanity prevents my agreeing to her request. I could not kill
a child if it were deformed or seriously ill. How could I bring myself to kill one
because he might be deformed or ill?
What of that other thing? What of rape? Where can one nd an analogy? If
someone ploughs another man’s eld, he can make no claim to the products; they
belong to the owner. And the owner may tear out the seedlings if he does not
want them. But he may do that if he changes his mind about seedlings he planted
himself. e death of a person is not involved in either case. I think there is no
adequate analogy.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Suppose a girl younger than the age of consent has an aair with a man whom
she likes. e man is guilty of statutory rape and may be convicted and punished
according to law. But what of the child, if the girl becomes pregnant as a result of
the aair? Can one justify killing it? One cannot argue that the girl is being sub-
jected to involuntary servitude, only that she has acquired certain responsibilities
through indulging in an act in which the state claims she had no right to partici-
pate. us, one may argue that she deserves punishment of a kind, but I think one
would be hard put to demonstrate that the baby deserves to be cast into oblivion
just because its mother did something she should not have done....
In settling other legal wrongs, the state oen punishes the oender and
requires that reparations be paid in money or land or goods. Perhaps such is the
appropriate solution in cases of this kind....
If my neighbor asks me to kill his youngest child so that his other children will
have enough to eat, my promise not to kill certainly holds, and I shall refuse. Simi-
larly, if a pregnant woman with children asks for an abortion on the grounds
that the baby would compete socially and economically with those already born,
depriving them to some extent of food and aection, I shall refuse just as quickly....
In the case where I cause an abortion to save the life of my pregnant patient, I
will be named physician. But, since the number of situations in which pregnancy
poses such a threat to a woman has been reduced almost to zero; one now seldom
hears that term properly applied to persons performing abortions. ey may be
physicians, but they are not necessarily acting in that professional capacity when
they cause abortions.
Should I yield to my neighbor’s plea and kill the loiterer, my name shall be
murderer.
Oddly, in the analogous situations where the pregnant woman threatens to
kill herself—in many foreign countries and in several states in the United States—
one may legally dispatch the baby to kingdom come. My deserved term, if I serve
as an abortionist in such an instance, probably should be based on the mode of
payment. If the pregnant woman, her husband, or another private party pays, I
suggest the term assassin. If payment is made by the state, executioner would seem
more appropriate....
Why has no one pointed out that the laws “liberalizing” abortion laws in com-
munist countries, in Sweden, in England, and in some states in this country have
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given the physician responsibilities in no way concerned with the practice of medi-
cine, on the one hand, and have suggested a frightening change in one aspect of
medical practice, on the other? The departures are so extreme; one wonders why
all physicians do not protest....
What have physicians to do with the killing of persons who have misfortunes
or who no longer enjoy the protection of the law? If the state determines that
intrauterine babies of a given age should be killed because their mothers had Ger-
man measles or took thalidomide or had seven defective children, then the state
should hire executioners or license assassins to kill them. I hold that it is malicious
to suggest that physicians act in this capacity....
Physicians should rededicate themselves to their profession. Specically, they
should not allow anyone to burden them with nonmedical responsibilities or to
persuade them that killing someone so that he will not be sick constitutes preven-
tative medicine or that killing another person sometimes constitutes appropriate
medical therapy for mental illness or socioeconomic hardship....
A license to practice medicine and surgery should not in itself be construed as
a license to commit abortion, except in the instance of therapeutic abortion which
is a medical problem.
Reprinted by permission from the Journal of the Louisiana State Medical Society, vol. ,
no. (), pp. –.
New Jersey Assembly Testimony
Just as individual women who favored abortion reform spoke of their own experiences,
so did women on the opposite side of the argument. On April , , the Judiciary Com-
mittee of the New Jersey Assembly held a public hearing to consider repealing the state’s
law criminalizing abortion. is statement by a woman who appeared as an opposition
witness is reprinted om the public hearing record.
Sometimes, when we are faced with a momentous decision, our judgment can
become confused, cloudy and even biased by pressures. In the makings of any
decision, we are usually hit hard with two sides of something; both sides equally
demanding and both sides making sense in their own right.
I believe this description personies the abortion issue. I also believe that I am
in a unique position in regards to this issue. I have been on both sides of this fence
and I know abortion is not the answer.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
I can speak to you as a distraught mother who, three years ago, unashamedly
wanted an abortion. I desperately thought, at the time, that abortion was the only
solution in my overburdened circumstances.
I can also speak to you as a woman who sought out principle. I do not believe
that depression in pregnancy automatically cancels out the ability to rationalize.
I have always valued honesty in myself and in others. I believe that if honesty pre-
vails in our quest for truth, the right answers become clearer....
I am the mother of six children. (And I hope it is still safe to admit this fact,
here in N.J.) It was my sixth pregnancy that jolted me into the awareness of abor-
tion. Prior to this, I gave it little thought. My husband and I did not plan, nor did
we want a sixth child; but it happened. In view of recent major surgery, physi-
cal complications, medication for mental stress, my doctors advised a therapeutic
abortion. We agreed with their advice; at least we wanted to agree with it. And
so in my mind, I planned to abort; I talked about it and I wanted it. But that
thing called honesty knocked on the door of my mind; unrelentlessly [sic]. Hon-
esty recalled to me, the day that I was told for the rst time that I was pregnant.
Happiness abounded; I shouted to all who would listen: “Hey, guess what? I’m
going to have a baby!!” I could hardly believe the immensity and miracle of a child
within me. Well, my doctor had just given me the identical news and I was trying
to convince myself that it wasn’t a baby...yet.... at my denial of this bud of life
was a forgivable thing under the present circumstances. Somehow my esteemed
honesty dwindled into an obvious double standard. I realized that even if no one
else considered an abortion wrong, that I did and I have to live with me. No mat-
ter what way I sliced it, the termination of this pregnancy would be the termina-
tion of a life due to be born eight months hence. At this point I hated my own
intelligence, I cursed myself and I blamed everyone and everything for my predica-
ment. Nothing changed except my shape. I carried my unwanted child to term.
My honesty allowed me to be the real winner, when a healthy seven-pound son
entered our lives. I nd myself looking at my son daily, always with the awareness
of just exactly what abortion is. It is grossly unfair to predict that an unwanted
pregnancy ultimately leads to an unwanted child; it just isn’t so.
Many people call our present abortion laws archaic because they refuse to hear
the cry of the unborn....
As a concerned citizen, I beg of you to re-direct your time, eorts and monies
away from the sham of abortion repeal (ultimately abortion-on-demand) into the
channels of a better way of life for all. Let us hit hard at the problems that cre-
ate the need for abortion. Let’s really work at eradicating ignorance, poverty and
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especially prejudice. Let’s pour our resources into the research of a fool-proof con-
traceptive, into mental-health clinics, into widespread sex education, into health,
nutritional, hygienic clinical programs. Let’s make voluntary sterilization easily
obtainable for all who so desire; NO woman should be compulsorily [sic] preg-
nant, I am the rst to agree with this. On the other hand, no woman should be
at liberty to end a life that has already begun. e choice of what to do with one’s
body should be made before pregnancy occurs, not aerwards. Once there is a
valid pregnancy, there is also a valid life....
I would like to end with something my eight-year-old daughter said to me
recently. She is in second grade and she reads well. She asked me what I thought
about abortion aer reading about it in the headlines. Wisdom of an ancient soul
shone through her child-like innocence.
“I’m sure glad you wanted me, Mommy,” she said.
“Yes, I wanted you very much, Michelle,” I replied. “But wanting a baby isn’t
always the way it is. I didn’t really want David before he was born.”
“But you LOVED David before he was born,” she quickly added, “and when
you love something, you can’t hurt it, can you, Mommy?”
Somehow her words summed it all up for me. How about you? Do you hon-
estly LOVE LIFE? Or have you become adept in that role that is so prevalent in
the society of today: the role of the Great Pretender.
Excerpted from Testimony before Public Hearing before the Assembly Judiciary Commit-
tee on Assembly Bill No. [Abortion Bill]. Held April , , Assembly Chamber of the
State House. Trenton, New Jersey. (Witness’s name withheld to preserve anonymity.)
Handbook on Abortion
by Dr. and Mrs. J. C. Willke (rst edition, )
For four decades, Dr. J. C. (Jack) Willke, an obstetrician, has been one of the most inu-
ential strategists and leaders of the Right to Life movement. Before becoming engaged by
the abortion issue, Willke and his wife, Barbara, a registered nurse, lectured equently
to teenaged audiences on sex education, stressing chastity before marriage and declin-
ing to advocate contraception. Urged by their college-aged daughters to write a book on
abortion, the Willkes produced Handbook on Abortion. Self-published in , it sold
. million copies within months. e book quickly went through two dozen printings
and was translated into many European and Asian languages.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
e pocket-sized book ( pages in the rst edition, excerpted here) was written in
question-and-answer format and illustrated with photographs of fetuses and fetal parts.
e images were powerful and established a model for others to use in visual protest
against abortion. e book provided a common reference point and recruiting tool for
the movement, aimed as it was not only to the committed but also to those skeptical of
the anti-abortion cause. It is dicult to overstate this little book’s importance in am-
ing the issue for those seeking to preserve—and later, to restore—criminal prohibitions
against abortion. In addition to its straightforward and accessible language, its success
was no doubt also due to its secular tone. Explicitly addressed to “our pluralistic society”
with arguments presented as grounded in logic and in medical literature rather than
in dogma and faith, it was able to reach across religious lines and appeal to growing
numbers of non-Catholic activists.
In the past several years, a tremendous push for more permissive abortion laws has
occurred in the United States. With a few exceptions, the major newspapers and
magazines of our country have participated in this movement by publicizing every
new development and every argument, valid or not, in favor of liberalizing abor-
tion laws. Those whose deep-felt convictions are pro-life have been labeled “anti”
(abortion) and have been dismissed as traditional religionists and often, by infer-
ence, either Roman Catholic or influenced by that church’s teaching.
Population explosion, illegal abortions and their fancied toll of maternal lives,
the pitiable rape or incest victim, the deformed baby, the mother’s physical or men-
tal health—these all in turn have been given top billing as reasons for change.
e movement has been sweeping away all who disagree. e pro-abortionists,
who only two years ago were setting as their highest goal the incorporation in state
laws of the controversial provisions of the American Law Institute’s suggested
changes, have now discarded that step-on-the-way and have been openly espous-
ing nothing less than abortion-on-demand.
With little being said or written in the public press to counter this wave of
propaganda, only a few private and religious publications, it seems, have attempted
to present the other side.
e average citizen, when asked his opinion about abortion, will demonstrate
an almost total lack of factual knowledge about the subject. He will tend to com-
pletely oppose “wide open” permissiveness, but will have a reason or two, stem-
ming from the oen false and misleading pro-abortion propaganda which has
lled the public media, for which he feels abortion should probably be permitted.
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When pushed to dene when human life begins, he usually will be even more
indenite. While only a very small minority of vocal people are aggressive pro-
ponents of abortion-on-demand, the great bulk of swing voters seem relatively
apathetic.
To date, those committed to a pro-life philosophy have produced several
excellent (and expensive) books and a rapidly increasing ow of pamphlets. e
strength (and weakness) of most of the more modest eorts is that they are lim-
ited to only one aspect of the problem, are religiously sectarian, or try to cover
too much too briey. In an attempt to bridge this gap, we have written HAND-
BOOK ON ABORTION. Hopefully, it is small, concise, and inexpensive enough
to be useful, without sacricing too much detail.
Our emphasis, we are convinced, must be on the scientic, medical and social
aspects of this issue if we hope to present the facts in a way that can inuence our
pluralistic society. eological considerations are critical to each person individu-
ally but cannot be imposed upon other non-believers in the culture. is is not to
minimize religious conviction. e value, dignity, and right to life of each indi-
vidual which has been a hallmark of and lies at the core of western culture is, at
least in part, directly related to our Judeo-Christian heritage.
Knowing full well that the anti-life side has been presented in its fullest by
our public media, this book is an honest eort to present the pro-life side of the
abortion issue. With this in his pocket or her purse may the legislator, doctor, cler-
gyman, concerned layman, woman’s activist, and all who value human life make
their voices heard.
e hour is late.
....
Is this human life? This is the question that must first be considered, pondered,
discussed, and finally answered. It cannot be brushed aside or ignored. It must be
faced and honestly met. Upon its answer hinges the entire abortion question, as
all other considerations pale to insignificance when compared with it. In a sense
nothing else really matters. If what is growing within the mother is not human
life, is just a piece of meat, a glob of protoplasm, then it deserves no respect or
consideration at all, and the only valid concern is the mother’s physical and mental
health, her social well-being, and at times even her convenience.
But if this growing being is a human being, then we are in an entirely dierent
situation. If human, he (or she) must be granted the same dignity and protection
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
of his life, health, and well being that our western civilization has always granted
to every other human person.
For two millennia in our western culture, written into our Constitution and
Bill of Rights, specically protected by our laws, and deeply imprinted into the
hearts of all men has existed the absolute value of honoring and protecting the
right of each person to live. is has been an inalienable and unequivocal right.
e only exceptions have been that of balancing a life for a life in certain situations
or by due process of law.
Never in modern times, except by Hitler, has a nation put a price tag of eco-
nomic or social usefulness on an individual human life as the price of its contin-
ued existence.
Never in modern times, except by Hitler, has a nation demanded a certain
physical perfection as a condition necessary for the continuation of that life.
Never since the ancient law of paterfamilias in Rome, has a major nation
granted to a father or mother total dominion over the life or death of their child.
Never has our nation legally allowed innocent humans to be deprived of life
without due process of law.
Yet our newly enacted permissive abortion laws do all of the above. ey rep-
resent a complete about-face, a total rejection of one of the core values of western
man, and an acceptance of a new ethic in which life has only a relative value. No
longer will every human have an absolute right to live simply because he exists.
Man will now be allowed to exist only if he measures up to certain standards of
independence, physical perfection, or utilitarian usefulness to others. is is a
momentous change that strikes at the root of western civilization.
It makes no dierence to vaguely assume that human life is more human post-
born than pre-born. What is critical is to judge it to be, or not to be, human life.
By a measure of “more” or “less” human, one can easily and logically justify infan-
ticide and euthanasia. By the measure of economic and/or social usefulness, the
ghastly atrocities of Hitlerian mass murders came to be. One cannot help but be
reminded of the anguished comment of a condemned Nazi judge who said to an
American judge aer the Nuremberg trials: “I never knew it would come to this.”
e American judge answered simply: “It came to this the rst time you condemned
an innocent life.”
Back to our basic question. Is this unborn being, growing within the mother,
a human person? Make this judgment with the utmost care, scientic precision,
and honesty. Upon it may hinge much of the basic freedom of man in the years
to come.
REACTION
Judge it to be a mass of cells, a piece of meat? en vote for abortion-on-
demand.
Judge it to be a human person? en join us in ghting for his right to live,
with all the energy and resources at your command.
....
But what if a person would sincerely doubt that this is human life
in the womb?
Even if a person did doubt the presence of actual human life in the uterus at a
particular time, what would be the fully human way to go? Perhaps a guide then
would be how we have always treated other human life when there has been a
doubt that it exists. Would we not resolve a doubt in favor of life? We do not
bury those who are doubtfully dead. We would work frantically to help rescue
entombed miners, a child lost in the mountains, or a person under a collapsed
building. We would suggest that the truly human thing would be to give life the
benefit of the doubt.
....
What does legal “viability” mean as far as legal rights of the unborn child
are concerned?
Some states use “viability” as a measure of judgment as to whether or not the
unborn child has the basic human right to protection of his life by the state. The
frightening aspect of using this as a dimension of right to life is quickly apparent
when we consider that, by this standard, a defective newborn child or a defective
child of any age is also not “viable.” By the above criteria, the senile old person
rendered incompetent by a stroke, the completely psychotic individual, or even
the quadriplegic veteran from Vietnam are all not “viable,” as they are not capable
of independent existence. Some of the above also do not have mental “viability.”
To make a judgment of an unborn child’s right to live or not in our society by his
mental or physical competence, rather than merely by the fact that he is human
and alive, brings only too close the state’s determination of a person’s right to con-
tinued life as measured by their mental or physical competence or whatever the
current price tag is.
....
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
,
Picture the poor helpless girl, possibly your daughter, assaulted by an unknown
assailant, by inference possibly of another racial extraction, frightened, tearful,
and emotionally upset. Then a few weeks later, confirmation of her worst fears—
she’s pregnant.
Who would be so heartless and so cruel as to refuse her an abortion? Why
must this innocent girl be forced through the ordeal of pregnancy and childbirth?
Talk is easy, as long as this is theoretical, but what if this was your daughter?
e above situation, charged as it is with emotionalism, pathos, and sympa-
thy, has been sucient to convince some state legislators to enact laws that permit
abortion for rape or for incest. Is there anything more that can be said?
Is pregnancy from rape very common?
No. It is extremely rare.
Why is this so?
If a girl is raped or subjected to incestuous intercourse and reports the fact
promptly, she is usually taken immediately for medical attention. This consists
of a douche, commonly a scraping of the uterus, and at times doses of medica-
tion, one or all of which, while done partially to prevent venereal disease, will
almost invariably prevent her from getting pregnant. If the rape victim would
report her assault properly, there would be, for all practical purposes, no pregnan-
cies fromrape.
Do most young women know this?
If they don’t, they certainly should.
Are there any statistics to support the fact that pregnancy is rare?
There have been a few good statistical studies in this country. In Czechoslovakia,
however, out of , consecutive induced abortions, only twenty-two were done
for rape. This figures out to one in ,. At a recent obstetric meeting at a major
Midwest hospital, a poll taken of those physicians present (who had delivered over
, babies) revealed that not one had delivered a bona fide rape pregnancy.
What has been the English experience?
English law does not even list rape as a reason for abortion, because of “the dif-
ficulty of proving rape.”
REACTION
What is meant by “difficulty of proving rape”?
This is the crux of the problem and it goes something like this: Let’s assume a
young woman is raped, but that through fright or ignorance she does not report
it and quietly nurses her fears. She misses her period and hopes against hope that
it isn’t what she thinks it is. Another week, yet another week, and finally in tears
she reports to her mother, her physician, or some other counselor or confidante.
Let’s assume that the law permits abortion for rape and that her parents bring her
to the District Attorney and request that this be performed. The representative of
the law may be quite sympathetic and more than willing to help her, but he has
one request that must be met: “Since this is a law, and I must have reasonable proof
that you were raped, you must furnish me with one reliable witness to corroborate
your story.” This she cannot do. Therefore, he cannot authorize the abortion for
this reason.
But think of the poor girl.
True, if in fact she was actually raped against her will. As everyone knows, there
are many degrees of resistance or consent on the part of a woman to the act of
intercourse. It is easy for a woman rejected by a lover to then accuse him of raping
her. For any kind of justice, some type of proof must be asked.
What of incest?
Incest is intercourse by a father with his daughter, uncle with niece, etc. The same
dynamics mentioned above apply. Will Uncle John admit to having relations with
his niece? Never! It would be her word against his. The court might even believe
her, but could not act on it legally. Incestuous intercourse is seldom reported and
when pregnancy does occur, it is not usually reported as being from incest.
What of a law for rape or incest then?
We would call them non-laws, as they would be almost totally inoperative. We
believe that rape and incest as reasons for liberalizing abortion laws are little but
an emotional smoke screen behind which to open the door for permissive abortion
for many other reasons.
But, even if rare, some girls are forcefully raped and some do get pregnant.
Should they be forced to carry an unwanted child?
Legal authorities say that to change the entire law for a very few cases would pos-
sibly open a Pandora’s box.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
But think of the poor girl—the trauma to her!
Unquestionably, many would want her to destroy the growing baby within her.
But before making this decision, remember that most of the trauma has already
occurred. She has been raped. That trauma will live with her all of her life. Fur-
thermore, this girl did not report for help but kept this to herself. For several weeks
she thought of little else as the panic builds up. Now she has finally asked for help,
has shared her upset, and should be in a supportive situation.
e utilitarian question from the mother’s standpoint is whether or not it
would now be better to kill the developing baby within her. But will abortion
nowbe best for her, or will it bring her more harm yet? What has happened and
its damage has already occurred. She’s old enough to know and have an opinion as
to whether she carries a “baby” or a “blob of protoplasm.”
Will she be able to live comfortably with the memory that she killed her devel-
oping baby? Or would she ultimately be more mature and more at peace with her-
self if she could remember that, even though she was unwillingly pregnant, she
nevertheless gave her child life and a good home (perhaps through adoption).
Even from only the mother’s standpoint, the choice is one which deserves the
most serious deliberation, and no answer is easy or automatically right.
And nally:
Isn’t it a twisted logic
that would kill an innocent
unborn baby for the crime
of his father!
“Maternal mental health was the commonest indication for hospital abortion in
, accounting for . of all cases.”
— Abortion Surveillance Report Annual Summary
U.S. Dept. of Health, Education & Welfare
How new is mental health as an indication for abortion?
It is quite new and has been spoken of only in the last few years. Since the decline
and virtual disappearance of therapeutic abortion of the type that once was nec-
essary to save the life of the mother, many major university hospitals have gone
a decade or more without doing a single therapeutic abortion. For instance, the
University Hospital of the College of Medicine at the University of Cincinnati
REACTION
did not do a single therapeutic abortion for fifteen years prior to . This experi-
ence is not unusual. (W. Stone, Dept. of Psychiatry, U. of C., Feb. .)
Already in , Dr. R. J. Heernan, of Tus University, speaking to the
Congress of the American College of Surgeons, said: “Anyone who performs a
therapeutic abortion [for physical disease] is either ignorant of modern methods of
treating the complications of pregnancy, or is unwilling to take time to use them.”
So abortion is rarely necessary today to save a mother’s life?
Yes, abortion is almost never necessary anymore.
But isn’t it sometimes necessary to preserve her mental health?
The word “mental health” is so broad and vague as to be almost meaningless. In
fact, in the last few years, it has become a catch-all reason for which all sorts of
abortions have been justified, only rarely in fact being done for serious psychiatric
reasons.
What would be a serious psychiatric reason?
Frank Ayd, M.D., medical editor and nationally known psychiatrist said: “True
psychiatric reasons for abortion have become practically non-existent. Modern
psychiatric therapy has made it possible to carry a mentally ill woman to term.”
It can be atly stated that no mental disease known to man can be cured by
abortion. e most that can be said is that possible mental breakdowns or com-
plications might be prevented by abortion. To predict this accurately, however, is
quite frankly beyond the competence of ordinary men, and we include psychia-
trists in this group. ere are so many variables, people are so dierent, and react
in so many dierent ways, that no one, no matter what his training, can accurately
predict what eect a pregnancy or an abortion will have on a woman.
....
Competent medical opinion is deeply divided as to whether psychiatric rea-
sons ever justify an abortion. e phrase “mental health,” written into some of
our state laws, has opened a Pandora’s box of abortion-on-demand. It bears serious
reconsideration by those states that have incorporated this phrase into their laws,
and almost certainly it should be stricken from them.
—
“Editor:
I would like to write to you to let you know that I am in full accord with the abortions
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
that are being performed in New York City. For every early physiologic process inter-
rupted, we are preventing a candidate for our relief rolls, our prison population, and
our growing list of unwanted and frequently battered children.”
The above, taken from a letter to the editor of the A.M.A. News, reflects the
thinking of some people today. If the above were true, the proponents of abor-
tion at the mother’s request would certainly have added weight to their side of the
balance arm of the scale weighing the value of the life of the unborn child. If the
above is not true, then pro-abortionists have deluded themselves with more wish-
ful thinking.
I believe every child should be a wanted child, don’t you?
We agree that every child should be wanted. A world without unwanted children
would be an idyllic place in which to live. No one would quarrel with that as an ide-
alistic goal. Wouldn’t it also be a wonderful world if there were no unwanted wives
by husbands, no unwanted aging parents by their children, no unwanted Jews,
Black People, Catholics, Chicanos, or ever again a person who at one time or place
finds himself unwanted or persecuted. Let’s all try to achieve this, but also remem-
ber that people have clay feet and, sadly, the unwanted will always be with us.
e measure of our humanity is not that there aren’t unwanted ones, but what
we do with them. Shall we care for them or kill them?
But why should a mother carry to term an unwanted pregnancy?
Physicians who deliver babies will all agree that a significant percentage of all preg-
nancies are not planned, and, at the time these women are first seen in the doctor’s
office, they definitely have “unwanted pregnancies.” Overwhelmingly, however, a
mother adjusts to the initial surprise and shock, accepts the baby growing within
her, and comes to anticipate the birth of her child. After more than twenty years
of medical practice, your author personally can say without hesitancy that he has
seen many unwanted pregnancies, but has yet to see the first unwanted newborn
child. If we permit abortion for an unwanted pregnancy, we will be destroying
vast numbers of children, who, by the time of their birth and through their child-
hood would have been very dearly wanted and deeply loved children indeed. If the
judgment of being wanted at an early stage of pregnancy were a final judgment,
and abortions were permitted freely, a high percentage of everyone reading this
book would never have been born.
....
REACTION
What of the right of a woman to the privacy of her own body?
At least one pro-abortion court decision has referred to this. We think it is an
entirely fallacious bit of reasoning. If you, as a citizen, stand outside of a door and
listen to a mother battering her child, even to the point of killing it, what would
you do? Would you respect the privacy of her home? You would not! You would
open or break down the door and rescue the child. By virtue of her assault upon
and abuse of another human person, she has surrendered her constitutional right
to privacy in this case. The same analogy applies to abortion. The right of the
child to live is greater than and supersedes any right that a woman may have to the
privacy of her own body.
But a woman does have a right to her own body. Isn’t the child, at least in
the early stages of pregnancy, part of her body?
A woman’s appendix, obviously a part of her body, can be removed for sufficient
reason. The cells of the appendix, however, carry the identical genetic code that is
present in every other cell in the mother’s body. They are, for this reason, undeni-
ably part of her body. The single-celled fertilized ovum or the multi-celled zygote
or later developing embryonic human being within her uterus cannot, by any
stretch of the imagination, be considered part of her body. This new living being
has a genetic code that is totally different from the cells of the mother’s body. It is,
in truth, a complete separate growing organism and can never be considered part
of the mother’s body. Does she have a right to her own body? Yes. But this is not
part of her own body. It is another person’s body.
....
A constantly repeated reason to justify abortion-on-demand is that present restric-
tive laws discriminate against the poor. It is stated that those with money can, in
one way or another, obtain abortions if they really want them and that the poor
simply cannot.
Isn’t it true that restrictive abortion laws are unfair to the poor?
It is probably true that it is safer for a rich person to break almost any law, than for
a poor person to do so. Perhaps the poor cannot afford all the heroin they want.
Rich people probably can. Does that mean we should make heroin available to
everyone? Not everything that money can buy is necessarily good. The solution is
not to repeal laws, but to enforce them fairly. Laws restricting abortion can be, and
frequently have been, adequately enforced.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
But it’s still basically unfair, isn’t it?
What is unfair is that poor people have not been given an adequate education
and an adequate opportunity to better themselves. We will not eliminate poverty
by killing poor people. The problem of the poor and the under-educated is their
destitution and their lack of opportunity to achieve a better life, not the fact that
they have children. Some who live in ivory towers seem unaware of this, but poor
people themselves are very much aware of it, as evidenced by the fact that they
as a group have cut their birth rate much less than middle and upper class socio-
economic groups.
But don’t too many children add to the burden of their poverty?
Poverty is more than just a shortage of this world’s goods. Poverty is also the lack
of spiritual and cultural resources, and often accompanying it is despair, apathy,
and helplessness. Those who lack material things, and often find their chances for
improvement of their lot in life rather bleak, sometimes find that much of their
personal fulfillment is the joy they find in their children.
Do poor people tend not to accept abortion?
The majority certainly have not up until this time. Neither have poor or under-
developed or under-educated areas of the world in any significant numbers
accepted methods of birth control. It is the middle and upper classes who have
accepted and used these methods.
What is the answer then for the poor?
The humane solution is to attempt to raise their standard of living and to help
them achieve a more dignified existence. By raising a family’s expectations in life,
and the degree of education which they hope their children will achieve, people
have universally been motivated to limit the number of children they have, in
order to take adequate care of those children they have already borne. This seems
to be the only way that will consistently motivate people to voluntarily limit their
family size.
Are these white people, black people, Indians? Of whom do you speak?
We speak of them all, particularly however non-white people throughout the
world who suspect that the imposition of birth control and abortion on their cul-
tures is the white man’s method of genocide.
REACTION
Genocide? Who said this?
In April , Mr. Wm. Darity, head of the Dept. of Public Health, Univ. of Mass.
speaking at a Planned Parenthood Conference in Kansas City about his Study of
a New England Community said that:
“The study found parallel increasing evidence of strong opposition to family
planning among blacks, including such moderate black civil rights organiza-
tions as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Considerably more
black males under 30 agreed that family planning programs were designed to
eliminate blacks.” Also, they were “overwhelmingly opposed to sterilization
and abortion, ‘even if you had all the children you wanted.’”
....
“Reform” of abortion laws? Would the denial of the right of the unborn to live
truly be a “reform”? To use the word “reform” is to agree with the pro-abortionists
that present laws protecting the unborn child should be changed. It is important
in this debate to consistently use words that accurately and incisively describe
the truths of which we speak. Let’s make words work for us, not against us. Let’s
remove the camouflage and show “repeal” or “updating” of abortion laws for what
it is and speak of “permissive laws,” “abolishment of all controls,” “denial of the
unborn child’s right to life” or whatever is applicable.
“Product of conception,” “fetal tissue,” “glob of protoplasm,” “prospectus” and
other high sounding phrases are all direct denials of the humanity of the growing
child. Make up your mind. If you are convinced that this is a human life, call it
such. en consistently speak of “he” or “she,” not “it,” and speak of the “unborn,”
“pre-born,” or “developing child” or “baby.”
“Termination of pregnancy,” “interruption of pregnancy,” “retroactive con-
ception” are all verbal gymnastics behind which to hide. “Induced abortion” is
more accurate. “Killing the life within the mother,” “killing the fetus” or most to
the point, “killing the unborn baby” directly face the issue, and therefore are the
most honorable and preferable terms to use.
“Medical murder” implies a judgment of the abortionist’s knowledge of the
humanity of the unborn child, and willful killing. is may not be true. We
would suggest that the simple phrase of “killing” of the pre-born child cannot be
challenged, is not judgmental and directly states what is being done.
“Pre-natal euthanasia” is entirely accurate when describing killing of an
unborn child because he is defective. Euthanasia (mercy killing) is killing an adult
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
because he is or has become incompetent or defective. is can also apply to chil-
dren in which case it is commonly called infanticide.
Do not accept the negative label of being “anti-abortion.” Rather, always speak
of this movement and philosophy as being “pro-life.”
When referring to those who want abortion-on-demand, speak of “abortion-
ists,” of the “abortionist mentality,” or of the “anti-life movement.” Never accuse
another person of not being sincere but do insist on accurate terms.
Copyright by Dr. and Mrs. J. C. Willke. Reprinted by permission of Dr. and Mrs. J. C.
Willke.
is newspaper advertisement urges readers to spend the postage necessary to urge their “govern-
mental representative” to vote against liberalized abortion laws. Its sponsorship is unknown. First-
class postage cost cents from to .
Printed by permission of the Schlesinger Library, Radclie Institute for Advanced Study, Harvard
University, Feminist Ephemera Collection, Pr-, box .
REACTION
Abortion Makes Strange Bedfellows: GOP and GOD
by Lawrence T. King
Catholic oters had long been loyal to the Democratic Party. To the extent that abor-
tion reform had a political valence as the issue heated up during the s, it was more
Republican than Democratic. Leading advocates for the repeal of New York’s law crimi-
nalizing abortion, for example, included Republican political gures such as Governor
Nelson Rockefeller and Assemblywoman Constance Cook. A Gallup poll in mid-
showed that more Republicans than Democrats supported leaving the abortion decision
to a woman and her doctor, although a sizeable majority of both groups supported that
view. (See p. .) e following article illustrates the beginnings of a signicant shi, a
moment when Republican Party strategists recognized that abortion could provide an
opening for Republicans to reach out to Catholics. e incident recounted here occurred
in a Catholic church in Southern California. e article appeared in the progressive
Catholic magazine Commonweal in . e author’s disapproval of the prospect of a
partisan partnership between the Republican Party and the Catholic Church is evident.
e reference in the nal sentence of the article is to a book by Kevin Phillips, an
aide to Richard Nixon during the presidential campaign. His book, e Emerg-
ing Republican Majority, was highly inuential in shaping the strategy of President
Richard Nixon’s reelection campaign.
When parishioners showed up for Mass at St. Barbara’s Church in Santa Ana,
Calif., on the last Sunday in August, their curiosity was aroused by the presence
of a battery of voting registrars seated at tables in front of the church. Their curi-
osity was soon satisfied. During the homily, it was explained that the registrars
had been sent there at the request of the pastor who was asking all Democratic
members of the congregation to join him after Mass in changing their registration
to Republican to protest the adoption of an “abortion on demand” plank at the
California Democratic convention. By the time the last Mass was over and the
registrars had folded up their tables to call it a day, members of the parish had
changed their political affiliation.
To the pastor, the Rev. Michael Collins, the move was the most eective
means he could think of to let the state’s politicians know how deeply Catholics
felt about “legalizing murder.” To Edmund G. Brown Jr., the former governor’s
son who is the Democratic candidate for California secretary of state, it was a
“cheap political trick” on the part of the Republican State Central Committee to
win over Catholic Democratic voters on the abortion issue.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
According to Brown, the incident at St. Barbara’s disturbed him to such an
extent that he investigated the matter and found out that registrars had been
requested at of Orange County’s Catholic churches for the following Sun-
day. Further investigation revealed, he said, that the St. Barbara’s incident was not
a spontaneous movement, as it had been represented, but the start of a political
experiment engineered by the Republican State Central Committee to see if the
abortion issue could be used to cause a mass defection of Catholics from the Dem-
ocratic Party. e Democratic candidates said the experiment was being watched
closely by national Republican leaders and if it proved successful it would be used
as part of a nationwide campaign to attract Catholic voters.
e day before the re-registration drive was scheduled at the Orange County
churches, Brown called a news conference to present the result of his investiga-
tions to the news media. When challenged by reporters to substantiate his charges,
Brown said, “A personal friend of mine, a member of the State Republican Com-
mittee, told me of their plan. He is a Catholic and very upset about this plan to
use Catholics as political guinea pigs.” He then named the Republican chairman
for Orange County, who received the requests for dispatch of registrars, and a
woman employee of the county committee oce whose job it was, he said, to con-
tact priests throughout the county on the abortion issue and tell them how to set
up re-registration drives.
When contacted by newsmen, Father Collins, the county chairman and his
sta worker all denied the charges. e county chairman was quoted as saying:
“e re-registration drive has not been our initiative. We’ve had many requests
for registrars from various churches and it’s our responsibility to get registrars to
them when they ask. We have not overtly campaigned for voters to switch to the
Republican Party on the basis of this issue.” (Italics added.)
In California, registrars are quite obliging. ey will set up their tables and
bring their registration books to any place where people are wont to gather, but
when they show up in force at churches on a given Sunday and when their pri-
mary objective is not the enrollment of new voters but changing the party alia-
tion of old voters, then there certainly is legitimate grounds for doubting that the
whole thing is a “spontaneous reaction.”
....
Since abortion has become a heated political issue in American life, no one
can rightfully object to eorts by individuals and groups—this includes the Cath-
olic church—to oppose candidates who favor the removal of all legal restraints on
abortion. Candidates must be willing to face the electorate on this issue as well as
REACTION
any other issue. It is quite another thing, however, to take a scattergun approach
and make a party issue out of something that is essentially bipartisan.
If the pastors of those Orange County churches had done their homework
properly, they would have known that the abortion law that was passed in
was a bipartisan measure. It was introduced by a Democratic state senator and a
Republican assemblyman. In the state Senate, votes were needed for passage
of the legislation and that is exactly how many votes it received. (Seventeen votes
were cast against it.) Twelve Democrats and nine Republicans voted for the mea-
sure and seven Democrats and ten Republicans voted against it. How bipartisan
can you get? Furthermore, the legislation was signed into law by Republican Gov.
Ronald Reagan, despite his knowledge that the Senate could not muster the two-
thirds majority needed to override a veto.
Facts such as these might be pondered by pastors in their consideration of
political implications of the abortion issue. It will help them in the future in deal-
ing with partisan political workers whose interest in morality is secondary to their
interest in winning over Catholic voters as a key tactic in the creation of what they
like to call the “emerging Republican majority” (aer the book of the same name).
Reprinted from the October , , issue of Commonweal, pp. –. Copyright
Commonweal Foundation, reprinted with permission. For subscriptions, please visit www.
commonwealmagazine.org.
PART II
Conflict Constitutionalized:
The Years Before Roe
INTRODUCTION
Over the course of the s, the abortion debate rapidly evolved from a conversa-
tion about the legitimate grounds for abortion to an argument about the legiti-
macy of government control over abortion.
e conversation began, if not exactly on common ground, at least within
a shared framework of understanding. Americans who opposed eorts to legal-
ize abortion in cases of rape or maternal health could nonetheless appreciate the
concerns motivating those who advocated American Law Institute-style reform.
But with the transition from ALI-style reform to campaigns for abortion
repeal, conict escalated. Advocates for repeal sought more far-reaching changes
in the law. And they oered reasons for change that were disquieting to many.
While growing numbers of Americans embraced population control, many others
opposed it as immoral—as a eugenics project that valued the lives of some more
than others or as a pernicious invitation to separate sex from its procreative ends.
Many opposed the “new morality” and viewed women’s liberation—especially
women’s demand for abortion rights—as a threat to traditional family values.
Calls for unrestricted access to abortion elicited an increasingly vigorous defense
of the criminal law’s life-protecting purposes.
In fact, public support for the decriminalization of abortion was steadily grow-
ing. But swi change in the law stimulated conict, providing reason for both
proponents and opponents of change to mobilize. As movements struggled for
authority to shape abortion law and its social meaning, their arguments evolved.
With escalation of political conict, growing numbers of Americans began to
appeal to fundamental values and to argue in a constitutional register. Increas-
ingly, they addressed their claims to courts as well as legislatures.
In Part II, we examine this struggle over law in the years just before Roe.
Between and , the debate over abortion took hold in legislatures and
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
courtrooms throughout the country. Aer briey surveying state law as it stood
in , we examine the conict in New York and Connecticut during in this
period, as case studies of the political conict over abortion taking place in states
nationwide. As the documents comprising these case studies make clear, state
actors understood themselves as participants in a national drama, much as par-
ticipants in the same-sex marriage debates do today. en as now, the abortion
conict traveled across state lines, and from legislature to the courts to the streets
and back again. We conclude the Part by sampling new claims about abortion
advanced in federal arenas in .
In these debates, one can see public policy arguments evolving into constitu-
tional claims. We have already seen the beginnings of this process in Part I, where
social welfare arguments for repeal begin to converge with social justice argu-
ments. ere we saw advocates for decriminalization appeal to public health and
population control; but they also called for decriminalization on the grounds that
the law for poor women should be the same as for wealthy women, and insisted
that government respect women as having the right and competence to make the
decision whether to bear a child. Some of these “justice” claims were expressly
constitutional. Consider, for example, feminist equal-citizenship claims about
abortion in the Strike for Equality that commemorated the half-century
anniversary of the Nineteenth Amendment giving women the right to vote. Or
the way that opponents of repeal invoked the Declaration of Independence in sup-
port of a “right to life.”
In the legal conicts that Part II surveys, we see the rapid constitutionaliza-
tion of arguments about abortion. As feminists challenge New York’s and Con-
necticut’s th-century abortion laws in informal speak-outs, in the legislature,
and in the courts, the movement increasingly appeals to women’s freedom and
equality as citizens, prompting its opponents to defend abortion’s criminalization
in constitutional registers as well. In the brief period from –, now-famil-
iar constitutional claims emerge from the crucible of political conict. Feminists
argue that women have a constitutional right to make decisions about bearing
children, and their opponents counter with the claim that the unborn, also, have
a constitutional right to life. In justifying their respective constitutional claims,
adversaries raise the stakes of the conict, associating abortion with questions of
fundamental value. What had been—only recently—intensely private matters of
personal experience, religious belief, and moral conviction now nd expression as
claims about the shape of a just community and as the basis of political identity.
INTRODUCTION
By , abortion law was beginning to emerge as a locus of single-issue voting for
some, and symbolic politics for many.
And so, even as public support for decriminalization of abortion continued to
grow, the meaning of these changes in the law governing abortion continued rap-
idly to evolve. e documents concluding Part II show that even while Roe v. Wade
was pending at the Supreme Court, the very meaning of abortion as an issue was
being reshaped outside the Court’s quiet precincts, in clashing social movements,
in courts and legislatures, in Congress, and on the presidential campaign trail.
Abortion Law Reform and Repeal:
Legislative and Judicial Developments (March, )
by Ruth Roemer
We set the stage for the documents of Part II with a report that observes that the
debates of the s had prompted a third of the states to change their abortion laws—
most by adopting an ALI-style reform statute and a few by repealing restrictions on
abortion during the rst months of pregnancy. Other portions of the article consider
liberalization of abortion law in a wider transnational context. is report on abortion
law reform and repeal was in Justice Blackmun’s les.
In the three years from to , a revolution has occurred in the abortion laws
and practices in the United States. That revolution is still in process. Our once
highly restrictive anti-abortion laws have been reformed in states and virtu-
ally repealed in four states. No other country has a statute which explicitly makes
abortion a matter for decision by the woman and her physician. Although other
countries permit abortion on request of the woman under certain circumstances,
the four American states have pioneered in treating abortion, as a matter of law,
like any other medical procedure. As a result of recent developments, the United
States has become a laboratory in which three different types of legal regulation of
abortion can be compared and evaluated....
Three kinds of modernized abortion laws have been enacted in the United States
since : () Twelve states have enacted all or part of the Model Penal Code first
proposed in by the American Law Institute (ALI), under which abortion is
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
not a crime when performed by a licensed physician because of substantial risk
that continuance of the pregnancy would gravely impair the physical or mental
health of the woman or that the child would be born with grave physical or mental
defect, or in cases of pregnancy resulting from rape or incest. () One state, Ore-
gon, has expanded the American Law Institute grounds to include a socio medical
ground proposed originally by the American College of Obstetricians and Gyne-
cologists and patterned after a provision of the British Abortion Act of , i.e.,
that in determining whether or not there is substantial risk to the woman’s physi-
cal or mental health, account may be taken of her total environment, actual or
reasonably foreseeable. () Four States—Alaska, Hawaii, New York and the State
of Washington (by referendum in November )—have repealed all criminal
penalties for abortion, provided only that the abortion is done early in pregnancy
and by a licensed physician (Alaska, Hawaii, and Washington also stipulate that
the operation must take place in a licensed hospital or other approved facility).
Thirty-three states, however, still have laws making abortion a crime except when
performed to save the life (or, in a few instances, the health) of the woman. None
of these states even requires that the abortion be performed by a licensed physician.
....
Actual practice, of course, may dier from the provisions of the statutes. In
some places, doctors will not perform abortions as late as the statute allows. Non-
residents may not be welcomed even though the state has no residency require-
ment. Consents, consultations, and committee approvals may be required that are
not specied in the statutes. It is also possible that residency requirements may not
be strictly enforced and procedures may be more simple than those provided in the
statute. On the federal level, a bill introduced in Congress by Senator Packwood
to legalize abortion throughout the nation made no progress. A recent policy
enunciated for U.S. military hospitals, however, permits abortions and steriliza-
tions for military personnel, active or retired, and their families, regardless of state
or local laws. [As discussed in Part I, this policy was later reversed.] In October,
, a White House task force on the mentally handicapped recommended that,
in the interest of both maternal and child mental health, no woman should be
forced to bear an unwanted child.
Legislative developments have been accompanied by an emerging body of court
decisions on the constitutionality of anti-abortion laws. The picture changes
INTRODUCTION
almost from day to day. As of autumn, , five cases were on the U.S. Supreme
Court docket; more than cases were before three-judge federal courts; and,
excluding the states with federal cases, many of which also had state cases,
another states had cases pending in local courts. The following important cases
may be noted.
. In September, , the Supreme Court of California, in the rst decision
on the constitutionality of any anti-abortion statute, invalidated the pre-
anti-abortion law of California. In a four-to-three decision in People v. Belous
(Cal. ), the court held the statute unconstitutional on two principal
grounds: () that the phrase, “necessary to preserve life” was so vague as to be
violative of the due process requirements for a criminal law, and () that the
law was in violation of a woman’s fundamental rights to life and to choose
whether to bear children. e latter follows from the U.S. Supreme Court’s
acknowledgment of a right of privacy or liberty in matters related to marriage,
family, and sex. e critical issue dened by the California Supreme Court
was whether the state had any legitimate interest in the regulation of abortion
which would justify so deep an infringement of the fundamental rights of
women. e Court held that the state had no such compelling interest....
. Following the landmark decision of the California Supreme Court, the rst
decision of a federal court invalidating an anti-abortion statute was handed
down. In United States v. Vuitch (), the U.S. District Court for the Dis-
trict of Columbia held unconstitutional the District of Columbia statute
which made abortion a felony unless performed by a licensed physician for
the preservation of the mother’s life or health. e court held this phrase so
uncertain and ambiguous as to invalidate the statute for want of due process,
and it recommended appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court....
. In addition to these two decisions which broke new legal ground, a number
of other courts have invalidated pre-ALI style anti-abortion laws. ese cases
have arisen in both federal and state courts.
....
. Attempts are currently being made to obtain an adjudication of the constitu-
tionality of reformed ALI-style laws. us far, only one reformed ALI-style
law has been invalidated by a federal court—Georgia’s abortion law.
e U.S. District Court in Atlanta held unconstitutional those parts of the
Georgia law that limited the woman’s right to abortion to the three ALI
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
grounds. e basis of the court’s decision was violation of the woman’s right
of privacy. Retained as a proper exercise of state power, however, were the
requirements for medical consultation, hospital committee approval, hospital
accreditation and exemption provisions, and the residency requirement.
On the state level, the California erapeutic Abortion Act has been chal-
lenged in three cases. Two cases involving Doctors Robb and Gwynne are still
pending, but preliminary decisions involving these doctors have held the Califor-
nia statute unconstitutional. In People v. Barksdale (Cal. ), a municipal court
in Alameda County held the current California law unconstitutional as violative
of the equal protection clause of the th Amendment, as a vague and improper
delegation of legislative authority to the Joint Commission on Accreditation of
Hospitals, as discriminatory between the rich and the poor, as lacking the cer-
tainty required for a criminal statute with respect to the denition of mental ill-
ness, and as violative of the fundamental right of the woman to make a free choice
whether or not to bear children. In rejecting the argument that the state has a
compelling interest in protecting the embryo, Judge T. L. Foley added the follow-
ing poignant words:
I might say that I belong to the religion that was just referred to, and I dislike
to render this opinion. I must follow the law under my oath as a judge. I am
a Catholic which makes it very, very difficult—but my oath of office calls
for me to follow the law as stated and set out by the Appellate Courts of this
State.
e judicial picture is in constant ux as new cases are led in federal and
state courts; as the defense of unconstitutionality is raised in criminal prosecu-
tions of doctors; as issues are raised concerning jurisdiction of courts and standing
of plaintis to sue; and as decisions come down and appeals are taken.
On at least eight occasions, the United States Supreme Court has declined
to review state court decisions that involved restrictive anti-abortion laws. One
of these cases was the landmark decision of the California Supreme Court in
Belous....
Although the nal outcome cannot be predicted, three eventualities’ seem
fairly certain. First, more and more states will change their laws in accordance
with one or another of the three patterns now prevailing in the United States. Sec-
ond, as in other nations of the world, moderately reformed laws will be amended
to expand the grounds and to simplify the procedures; alternatively, anti-abortion
INTRODUCTION
laws will be repealed. ird, in every state pressure will mount for making abor-
tion available de facto as well as de jure to women, rich and poor, faced with the
despair and desperation occasioned by unwanted pregnancy.
....
and judicial developments in the laws governing
abortion in the United States have generated a ground swell of change. e action
of the U.S. Supreme Court is crucial to the rate of progress, but, regardless of the
outcome of cases pending before the court, the clock can never be turned back.
Safe, legal abortion is now recognized as a fundamental right of women, a protec-
tion of maternal health and family welfare, and an assurance that every child is a
loved and wanted child. Abortion, however, should be only one service in an array
of services that should also include eective contraception, education for respon-
sible sexual relationships, and health protection for mothers and children.
Excerpted from Ruth Roemer, “Abortion Law Reform and Repeal: Legislative and Judicial Devel-
opments,” American Journal of Public Health, vol. , no. (March ), pp. –. Copyright
American Public Health Association. Published by permission.
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
Everywoman’s Abortions:
“The Oppressor Is Man” (March , )
by Susan Brownmiller
Until , New York law threatened imprisonment for women who sought abortions
as well as those who assisted them. e only abortions permitted were those necessary to
save the life of a pregnant woman. Women seeking legal abortions had to demonstrate
that their lives were at risk—that the abortion was “therapeutic.” At the turn of the
th century, this oen meant feigning a case of omiting so severe as to be fatal. By the
s, it meant convincing a psychiatrist to attest to a hospital committee charged with
deciding which abortions to permit that a woman would commit suicide if forced to
continue her pregnancy. As the New York Times reported in , “Getting a hospital
abortion in New York” was oen “a question of knowing the right words to use”—words
like “[i]f I have this baby I’ll kill myself.”
Negotiating the system required money. A woman’s ability to obtain a legal abor-
tion was equently dependent upon whether a psychiatrist and a hospital committee
were willing to interpret the law liberally in her case. But psychiatric consultations were
expensive: doctors received far more money performing abortions in private hospitals
than in the municipal hospitals where poorer women received care; and poor women
lacking psychiatric referrals oen did not know the magic words that would give doctors
condence to authorize an abortion. Between and , over percent of women
who received hospital abortions in New York City were white, while over three-quarters
of those who died om illegal abortions in the city were women of color.
Doctors and practitioners were most commonly prosecuted under statutes criminal-
izing abortion like New York’s, and doctors provided much of the initial impetus for
reform. Although there were a few people, like Planned Parenthood attorney Harriet
Pilpel, who argued that ee choice in the area of procreation was a “ fundamental civil
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
liberty and constitutional eedom,” the rst debates over abortion reform in the New
York legislature focused on enlarging the scope of doctors’ authority to prescribe abor-
tions, not on women’s eedom to obtain them; and those given the authority to testify
about abortion reform were the (male) professionals who performed abortions, not the
women who sought them.
But the conversation was changing. e women’s movement had begun to contest
constraints on women’s roles in politics, the market, and the family, and pointed to stat-
utes criminalizing abortion as evidence of inequality in each of these spheres.
In February —just as Friedan was delivering “Abortion: A Woman’s Civil
Right” to the Chicago conference at which NARAL was founded— a women’s libera-
tion group protested a hearing on abortion reform in the New York legislature. Objecting
to the slate of witnesses the state had called to testify as experts—fourteen men and one
woman, a Catholic nun—the Redstockings argued that the legislators ought to “hear
om some real experts...women.” Shut out of the legislative hearings, the Redstockings
took their protest to the public, with a speak-out in a Washington Square church. By testi-
fying at the speak-out, women were insisting that women’s oices and experiences should
shape the law, and challenging norms that consigned abortion to silence and shame.
Twelve young women faced an audience of more than men and women last
Friday evening and with simplicity and calm and occasional emotion and even
humor, told of incidents in their personal lives which they formerly had consigned
to the very private. They rapped about their abortions.
e evening was put together by the Redstockings, an action group linked
to the women’s liberation movement. e meeting began with a playlist that was
more diatribe than dialogue, and ended with a rambling speech by America’s most
loquacious abortionist, Dr. Nathan H. Rappaport. e real drama and unprec-
edented honesty occurred in between. For three hours, in the borrowed sanctuary
of Reverend Finley Schaef’s Washington Square Methodist Church, the group
of women “testied” from their own experience with unwanted pregnancy and
illegal abortion.
Last month, the Redstockings had stormed a hearing of a New York State
legislative committee studying abortion law reform, and predictably, they had
been rebued. e committee, they were told, was interested in the testimony
of “experts.” e “experts” had been men and one woman, a nun. e radi-
cal women had fashioned this evening as their own public hearing. As one of
the younger girls said, “We are the true experts, the only experts, we who’ve had
abortions.”
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
ere were no legislators in the audience at the Washington Square church on
Friday evening. ere were, surprisingly, a large number of men....
....
It was the politics of confrontation and catharsis, and as such it was success-
ful beyond the expectations of the organizers. It was, some of the women agreed,
their most successful endeavor in a year and a half of intensive self-analysis and
sporadic “actions” (their term for hit-and-run demonstrations like the assault on
the legislative hearing, and last spring’s inltration of the Miss America pageant
in Atlantic City).
e “testifying” method was an outgrowth of the confessional style of the
weekly meetings of the woman’s liberation groups, leaderless introspective sessions
of free-form discussion where each woman is encouraged to “speak from your
own experience, sister.” e panelists prepared no speeches for the Friday night
open meeting. ey set up an unobtrusive tape recorder, kept the lights comfort-
ably dim to encourage conversation, and protected their anonymity by using rst
names only. e result, which could have been exhibitionistic or melodramatic,
was neither—it was an honest rap. And it worked.
....
[O]ne small fragile girl on the panel...had been telling her story of getting
therapeutic (legal) abortion in New York. She had applied to hospitals before
she had accomplished her mission. “e tenth,” she said in a quivering little voice,
“oered me a deal. e deal was, they’d give me an abortion if I’d agree to get
sterilized. I was years old.”
Each bit of testimony from the panel was met with a knowing response from
the oor. e nameless Redstocking in this church this evening was Everywoman:
“I finally found a doctor in West New York, New Jersey. The doctor was very
sweet. He had pictures of crucifixes on the walls. It only cost $900. I went to
a bank and got a vacation loan. I’m still paying it off.”
“I found two psychiatrists who said that for $60 each they would write
a report which said I was mentally unable and ought to have the abortion. I
had to prove I was crazy to get a legal abortion—and the abortion was the
sanest thing I had ever done in my life.”
“When you tell the man you’re pregnant, he says, “How do I know it was
me? I’m not the only guy you ever slept with, am I?”
“The first time I got pregnant, I was a young little thing. The man didn’t
use any contraceptive. He told me something like, “Don’t worry, when I
come the second time, it washes away the sperm.”
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
“I was just living with this middle-class guy, and my life was just like his.
We were just going along, together. I didn’t do anything strange or unusual.
I didn’t make any decisions. But one day I was pregnant. Then there was a
difference.”
From the audience: “I’ve had three abortions and let me tell you, without
anesthetic it’s the most scary thing in the world. You’re on the table and you
feel the scraping and scraping. You get hit when you’re young and inexperi-
enced. All I wanted was love, and there I was, pregnant.”
“It’s only when you fulfill your so-called biological role as a woman that
you get a lot of attention. Women in this society are defined by their service,
nurturing, and maintenance roles. When I got pregnant, relatives I hadn’t
seen in 10 years said, ‘I’ll take the baby.’ I guess maybe because I was help-
less. When I said I was going to have an abortion; they lost interest. They
didn’t care any more. Just like they never had any interest when I told them I
wanted to be a painter.”
At one point in the evening, a young man in the audience arose to ask a ques-
tion. “You keep talking about a woman’s right to have a legal abortion,” he said.
“What about the man’s rights, in or out of wedlock? You didn’t make yourselves
pregnant.”
“He was told o, politely and rmly. Women have the ultimate control, over
their own bodies,” a Redstocking told him with the patience a weary teacher uses
for a dear but exceptionally slow child. Neither he nor any other male in the hall
felt like challenging that simple yet not so obvious statement.
Susan Brownmiller, “Everywoman’s Abortions: e Oppressor Is Man,” Village Voice, March ,
. Copyright Village Voice. Printed by permission of Susan Brownmiller.
Constitutional uestion: Is There a Right to Abortion?
New York Times (January , )
by Linda Greenhouse
e Redstockings protest did not move the New York legislature, at least not immedi-
ately. Although bills were introduced as early as , no abortion liberalization bill
even made it out of committee until . Supported by diverse organizations such as
the New York County Medical Society, the state’s bar association, the (Protestant) State
Council of Churches, and the Federation of Reform Synagogues of New York, this rst
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
bill sought not to decriminalize abortion but only modestly to increase the exceptional
cases in which doctors were permitted to perform therapeutic abortion. Despite the bill’s
limited scope and broad-based support, the New York Catholic Conference was success-
ful in ensuring its defeat for several years.
With abortion reform stalled in the legislature, those seeking to overturn the state’s
abortion law turned to the courts—and to new arguments, focusing not on abortion as
a policy choice but on abortion as a constitutional right. e article below was one of
the rst in the popular press to lay out the emerging constitutional arguments. It oers
a window on the process through which claims in public debate were translated into
claims in law, such as “oid for vagueness,” “the right to privacy,” “equal protection,”“the
right to practice medicine,” “the fundamental right of a woman to choose whether to
bear children,” the right to eedom om “cruel and unusual punishment,” the right to
eedom om “establishment of religion”—and “the right to life.”
For years, reformers have tried to persuade state legislatures to except certain
women from the general ban on abortion those women made pregnant by rape or
incest, for example, or those likely to bear a severely deformed child.
Except in a few states, the reformers have not gotten very far. Most notably in
New York, where an abortion law is still the model for the laws of other
states, they have failed completely. And when the mild Blumenthal reform bill,
in a last-minute defeat of stunning surprise and drama, was rejected by the New
York State Legislature last spring, it appeared to many people that the reformers
had nowhere else to go.
But that was not the case. Even before the bill, sponsored by Assemblyman
Albert H. Blumenthal (D., Manhattan) died, small groups of reformers through-
out the country had begun to look to a new forum: the courts. As drew to a
close, their eorts had already been startlingly eective. By the end of , they
may be rewriting history.
More important than the change of tactics is the change of philosophy that
underlies the new abortion-reform movement. e reformers no longer claim that
the states, basically correct in regulating abortion, are simply too rigid in the way
they apply this power. Now, they are seeking to establish abortion as a positive
legal right, like the right to free speech or the right to be secure against unlawful
search and seizure, protected by the United States Constitution against interfer-
ence by the state on any but the most pressing grounds. If they succeed, it is just
possible that there will not be an abortion law le standing in any state by the end
of this year.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
A right to abortion. Such a notion, at rst hearing, sounds fantastic, illusory.
e Constitution is searched in vain for any mention of it. e very phrase rings
of the rhetoric of a Women’s Liberation meeting. But last September, the Supreme
Court of the State of California threw out a state statute essentially identical to
New York’s abortion law on the ground that allowing abortion only when it is
“necessary to preserve the life” of the mother is unconstitutionally vague and vio-
lates the fundamental notion of due process of law. Such a statute, Justice Ray-
mond A. Peters wrote in his opinion, is not “suciently certain to satisfy due
process requirements without improperly infringing on fundamental constitu-
tional rights.” His opinion contained another thought: “e rights involved in
the instant case are the woman’s rights to life and to choose whether to bear chil-
dren.... e fundamental right of the woman to choose whether to bear children
follows from the Supreme Court’s and this court’s repeated acknowledgment of a
‘right to privacy’ or ‘liberty’ in matters related to marriage, family, and sex.”
Two months later, United States District Court Judge Gerhard A. Gesell
overturned the District of Columbia’s more liberal statute, which permitted abor-
tion to preserve the mother’s life or health, on essentially the same grounds. Judge
Gesell wrote: “ere has been, moreover, an increasing indication in decisions of
the Supreme Court of the United States that as a secular matter a woman’s liberty
and right of privacy extends to family, marriage and sex matters and may well
include the right to remove an unwanted child at least in early stages of pregnancy.
Matters have certainly reached a point where a sound, informed interest of the
state must armatively appear before the state infringes unduly on such rights.”
ose two decisions, People v. Belous in California and United States v. Vuitch
in Washington, D.C., are expected to be preludes to what could be the most
important decision of all In New York on April , a three-judge Federal court will
hear four combined test cases that challenge the constitutionality of New York’s
abortion law on a variety of grounds—some old and some very new.
e four suits, which technically are being brought against State Attorney
General Louis J. Leowitz and New York City’s district attorneys, ask for a per-
manent injunction against the enforcement of New York’s abortion law. Should
the injunction be granted, the state will appeal the decision to the United States
Supreme Court, which automatically hears an appeal from a three-judge Federal
court. But, because of scheduling problems, that will, almost certainly not be until
late next fall. “And by then,” says Roy Lucas, “New York will be a dierent place.”
If Roy Lucas’s optimism seems premature, that is not surprising. At the age of
, he could properly be called the father of the new abortion-reform movement,
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
and he is getting used to success. He seems at rst glance an unlikely choice for
such a role. e son of a Baptist deacon from Columbia, S.C., Lucas is a rather
reserved young man who speaks quietly with a mild Southern drawl.
In , his last year at New York University Law School, he had to choose a
topic for a senior project. He had been interested in abortion reform, and decided
that trying to prove that abortion laws were unconstitutional would be a good
legal challenge.
To set out to prove that abortion was a right that the state could not abridge
was surprising, to say the least; it had never been done. “People thought it was a
weird idea,” Lucas recalls. “My professors kind of laughed at me, but I went ahead
and spent six months at it. en I gured that was the end of it.”
But that was not the end of it. In June, , his paper, now called “Federal
Constitutional Limitations on the Enforcement and Administration of State
Abortion Statutes,” was published in the North Carolina Law Review and, from
there, reprinted and widely distributed by the Association for the Study of Abor-
tion, Inc., a research organization based in New York. More than a year later, the
California Supreme Court was to cite the paper in the Belous decision.
e Association for the Study of Abortion gave Lucas a grant to prepare a
model trial brief that could be used to test the abortion laws of any state, based on
the New York model—abortion only to preserve the mother’s life. e brief was
a -page document. But the core of the new approach was still the statement
Lucas had made in his senior paper: “Although interests at stake in the abortion
controversy are diverse, subtle, novel, and sensitive, the case appears ultimately to
t within the classical framework of governmental interference with important
interests of individual liberty and to be capable of resolution in traditional consti-
tutional terms.”
e four cases are all dierent. Each was developed separately by its own law-
yers, although the lawyers were all aware of the others’ work and agreed to le their
suits at approximately the same time last October. “It was almost a case of simul-
taneous scientic discovery,” says Nancy Stearns, one of ve women lawyers who
are representing several hundred plaintis—married pregnant women, unmarried
pregnant women, nonpregnant women, social workers and psychologists, physi-
cians and nurses—in a class action suit which is the largest of the four cases.
e single plainti in another of the cases is the Rev. Jesse Lyons, pastoral
minister of the Riverside Church in New York and founder of the Clergymen’s
Consultation Service on Abortion, who claims that the abortion law interferes
with his right to refer his pastoral counselees to qualied physicians.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
A third suit is being brought by Community Action for Legal Services, Inc.,
the Federally funded legal aid oce that serves New York City, on behalf of a
couple aicted with severe cerebral palsy, a pregnant woman and two women
with unwanted children. All these plaintis claim that the burden of the abortion
laws falls most heavily on the poor, in violation of the right to equal protection of
the law.
e remaining case is Roy Lucas’s suit, cosponsored by the Association for
the Study of Abortion. e plaintis are four physicians, including Dr. Alan F.
Guttmacher, president of Planned Parenthood, who claim that the abortion law
deprives them and their patients of constitutional rights. Lucas’s brief is based on
his model test-case brief, already a year and a half old.
Lucas’s constitutional arguments are central to the other three cases as well
as to his own, although each case emphasizes dierent points. All the lawyers do
implicitly agree on one point, although it is not spelled out in any of the cases:
that the unquestioned right of abortion applies to the earliest stages of pregnancy.
Lucas admits to uneasiness about the spectre of aborting, by Caesarian section,
late-term, nearly complete fetuses. Several of the states with liberalized laws
require that abortions which are not necessary to preserve the mother’s life be
performed before a certain time, usually between and weeks of pregnancy.
Lucas, however, claims that the question is nearly moot: almost any woman, if
abortion were readily available, would end an unwanted pregnancy as soon she
learned of it. At weeks the fetus is only two inches long and nearly every abor-
tion would take place considerably before that.
What follows is a summary of Lucas’s principal arguments:
e New York State penal code—as well as the penal codes in other
states—denes a “justiable abortional act” as one “committed upon a female by
a duly licensed physician acting under a reasonable belief that such is necessary to
preserve the life of such female.” Any other abortion is a felony, with the serious-
ness of the oense depending on whether the operation was performed before or,
during the nal trimester of pregnancy.
e phrase “necessary to preserve the life” is scarcely self-explanatory, and the
law contains no procedures for determining necessity. “Does it mean that without
an abortion a woman has to die immediately, or that she will have her life span
shortened by two days?” Lucas asks. A basic common-law requirement for due
process of law, the essential guarantee of the th Amendment, is specicity, so
that a citizen can know precisely what is or is not within the law. e argument
claims that the law is thus constitutionally vague, especially since a physician is in
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
jeopardy of criminal prosecution if his interpretation of the statute does not agree
with that of law-enforcement authorities. is “void for vagueness” doctrine has
been established in several Supreme Court cases.
Second, the argument claims, the law violates the right to privacy of physicians
and their patients in the doctor-patient relationship. ere is, of course, nothing in
the Constitution referring to doctors and patients. But the argument places this
right within the broad areas of personal freedoms guaranteed by the Bill of Rights.
e New York Education Law provides that a physician’s license can be revoked if
he “did undertake or engage in any manner or by any ways or means whatsoever
to perform any criminal abortion or to procure the performance of the same by
another...or did give information as to where or by whom such a criminal abortion
might be performed or procured.” e verbal exchange of ideas outlawed here,
the argument claims, is protected both by the Constitution itself and by a series
of Supreme Court precedents protecting the “freedom to associate and privacy in
one’s associations.”
ird, the argument claims, the law violates a right of marital privacy, espe-
cially as it was established by the Supreme Court in Griswold v. Connecticut, the
decision overthrowing Connecticut’s law against the use of contraceptives....
“We deal with a right of privacy older than the Bill of Rights—older than our
political parties, older than our school system,” Justice Douglas wrote. “Marriage
is a coming together for better or for worse, hopefully enduring, and intimate to
the degree of being sacred.” us, Lucas’s argument claims, a right to abortion is
only a logical extension of the right to contraception, especially since not all means
of contraception are perfect. A woman should not have to forfeit her protected
right to plan a family simply because contraception fails or has not been used.
Fourth, the argument holds, the laws deprive physicians of their right to prac-
tice medicine according to the highest standards of medical practice. All of the
plaintis in Lucas’s case claim that the law interferes with their personal freedom
in the conduct of their professional lives.
Fih, the Lucas brief quotes the decision in the Belous case that the law vio-
lates “the fundamental right of a woman to choose whether to bear children,” and
that the law infringes on her “right to life [which] is involved because childbirth
involves risks of death,” a violation of liberty without due process of law.
Sixth, the argument claims that the law violates the standard of equal protec-
tion by having widely diering eects on dierent women. Women with money,
knowledge and an inuential private physician, for example, can obtain legal abor-
tions much more easily than can poor women whose only contact with doctors is
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
at clinics, where they may never see the same one twice, and whose only knowl-
edge of the law is a negative one that has taught them to avoid the law rather than
to exploit it.
Seventh, the law violates the First Amendment prohibition against laws estab-
lishing a religion. is argument refers partly to the role of the Catholic Church
in opposing abortion reform, and partly to the broader issue of imposing by law
upon a woman a belief about the nature of life that is not necessarily her own.
In his senior paper at N.Y.U. Lucas had written: “If a woman believes that life
began in the ‘prehistoric slime’ and is not created but only passed along by concep-
tion and that a fetus in early development need not be accorded a right to con-
tinue growing within her body, she is nonetheless prohibited from acting freely on
that belief.”
Eighth, the argument claims that laws forcing women to bear each child they
conceive violate the Eighth Amendment prohibition against cruel and unusual
punishment.
Finally, the argument concludes that the laws must be voided because the state
can claim no “compelling or overriding justication” for abridging these constitu-
tionally protected rights.
brought by the ve women lawyers stresses the wom-
en’s rights argument, an aspect that Lucas does not emphasize, although he is
personally sympathetic to it. “It’s absurd that women should be turned into little
incubators for the human race,” he says in conversation. Nancy Stearns, a sta law-
yer with Arthur Kinoy’s Law Center for Constitutional Rights, who did most of
the work on the brief, says: “Our job is to convince the judges of something that to
me is as plain as day—that every woman has the right to bring this suit, that these
laws aect every woman’s sex life whether she is pregnant or not. It can’t be more
obvious that this is one law that has been incredibly oppressive of women and has
seriously hurt many, many women.”
Cyril C. Means, Jr., a professor at the New York Law School and the attorney
for the Rev. Jesse Lyons, has studied the history of abortion laws perhaps more
extensively than anyone else in the eld....
Means, who was one of three lawyers appointed in to Governor Rock-
efeller’s -member Commission to Review New York State’s Abortion Law, has
constructed an argument against the law based on one of the oldest common-law
principles: “Cessante ratione legis cessat et ipsa lex” (Once the reason for a law has
ceased to exist, the law itself ceases to exist).
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
Under the common law of England, which was the law of New York for
years, abortion in early pregnancy was not a punishable oense, and abortion in
late pregnancy was only a misdemeanor. e dividing line was the time of “quick-
ening”—when the mother rst feels movement in her womb which usually occurs
sometime during the second trimester of pregnancy. (is is much earlier than
viability—the age at which a fetus could survive outside the womb.) Only at
quickening was fetal life considered developed enough to deserve the protection
of the state.
In the s, New York’s lawmakers decided to gather the diverse common
law provisions into a modern, unied code of law. e commissioners appointed
to this task changed the common law regarding abortion, and made abortion
before quickening a misdemeanor and abortion before quickening a felony, except
when necessary to preserve the life of the mother. Means tried to discover why the
revisers had changed the common law, and he thinks he has found the reason in a
section of the proposed revisions that the Legislature did not adopt: a prohibition
against all surgery, unless necessary to save the patient’s life.
Based on New York hospital records of those days, before the era of antiseptic
surgery, about per cent of all serious operations, including abortion, resulted
in death. During the same period, the death rate from childbirth was about
percent. Means concludes that the revised abortion law was drawn up not out of
any legislative concern for the unborn child—in whom the Legislature had never
expressed an interest—but out of concern for the life of the mother, who had
times as great a chance of surviving childbirth as of surviving an abortion.
“Under those circumstances,” Means says, “for a legislature to say to a woman,
‘You bloody idiot, no matter how tragic this pregnancy is, we prohibit you from
undergoing this great risk of death,’ was justiable. Any court in its right mind
would say that this was a legitimate exercise of police power.”
But today the situation is reversed.... In the United States, the maternal mor-
tality rate, excluding deaths from abortion, is about per ,, making abor-
tion statistically almost times safer than a term pregnancy instead of times
more dangerous.
In all its revisions of the law, the New York Legislature has never oered
a new rationale for the abortion prohibition to replace the original one that Means
claims is no longer relevant. In fact, the law now frustrates what Means sees as the
Legislature’s original purpose by compelling women to choose the more danger-
ous of the two alternatives. Means does not claim that the state legislators, in their
wisdom, have been wrong about abortion from the beginning. He says that their
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
once-valid reasoning no longer applies, and that for that reason the law should no
longer apply either.
e lawyers for the four cases will not be alone as they argue before United
States District Court Judge Edward Weinfeld, United States District Court Judge
Harold R. Tyler Jr. and United States Court of Appeals Judge Henry J. Friendly.
e State of New York is the defendant, with Assistant Attorney General Joel
Lewittes handling the defense. Lewittes, a -year old Yale Law School graduate,
has based the state’s defense of its law on two major grounds: that the issue is one
that should be decided by the Legislature rather than by the court, and that the
state has an interest in the protection of the unborn child that overrides any other
personal rights that the laws might otherwise be deemed to threaten.
“Our feeling about the abortion law doesn’t alter its constitutionality,”
Lewittes says. “Our mood changes, but that mood must be reected in the Legis-
lature. It’s a slow and frustrating process, but it is still important to segregate the
law and social reform. Is every social reform matter to be presented to the courts?
What are legislatures for? We’ve grown—happily away from strict construction,
but that doesn’t mean that the legislatures should be browbeaten by the courts.”
Lewittes dismisses the vagueness argument. “Any surgeon knows what ‘neces-
sary to preserve life’ means. A surgeon makes that decision every day, no matter
what kind of operation he is performing. e abortion law presents him with no
new choices.” Lewittes contends that abortion cannot be covered by extending the
Griswold doctrine of a right to marital privacy. In his memorandum opposing the
convening of a three-judge court, Lewittes wrote about such an extension: “But
here [when dealing with abortion] we are no longer in the sacred precincts of the
marital bedroom. e act is complete, the doors are open, and the zone of privacy
is no more. A potential human being’s life has begun and new competing rights
are at stake; competing rights which the state has seen t to recognize.”
is basic right of the fetus to state protection, similar to that given fully
developed human beings, also overrides whatever right the woman may have to
control the use of her body. “It is at once naive and dangerous,” Lewittes wrote,
“to contend that such an absolute right [abortion on demand] ows from the ‘sov-
ereign’ right of females over their own bodies. We are not concerned here with an
appendix or tonsils or vaccination or blood transfusions but with an entity apart
from the person of the mother.”
e arguments that abortion was not a crime in common law or that the
legislature enacted the original statute for a reason which is no longer valid are,
Lewittes claims, essentially irrelevant. “History is interesting,” he says, “but har-
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
kening back to the common law can be disastrous. We know more now. ere is a
science of fetology. A doctor, when he is treating a pregnant woman, knows he is
treating two patients.”
And so, aer all the constitutional arguments have been heard, the abortion
issue comes back to what it has really always been—a question of how one views
the fetus. If the unquickened fetus is, as Roy Lucas contends, “just a mass of pro-
toplasm,” then the legal questions raised by abortion are no more dicult than
any in other problems of law. But if, as others argue, a fetus at whatever stage of
development is a potential human being with the same right to life as any other
human being, the other rights claimed in the abortion issue must of necessity take
second place, even if their existence is conceded in the abstract.
down the New York law merely on the grounds of
unconstitutional vagueness, then the state may—and Joel Lewittes is convinced
that it would—enact a statute with more precise terminology. “To prevent the
state from making a new law, the court has to say nothing less than that the fetus
is not an entity that the state has a legitimate interest in protecting,” Lewittes says.
Many observers feel that that is exactly what is likely to happen. Assemblyman
Blumenthal now favors total repeal of abortion laws and hopes that a decision on
the current cases will have that eect. “It may be the only answer,” he said recently.
“And I’d gladly accept it. Repeal is the correct route now, and if the courts could
solve the problem it would be both preferable and faster.”
e only certainty is that the cases will not be over at the end of the sched-
uled one day of oral argument. e judges will probably take several months to
announce their decision—the Supreme Court of California took more than
six months in the Belous case—and then the cases will undoubtedly go to the
Supreme Court on appeal from the losing side. ere, of course, any decision on
the New York law will have an equal and immediate eect on the other similar
state laws.
Copyright by Linda Greenhouse. Reprinted by permission.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Plaintiffs’ Brief, Abramowicz v. Lefkowitz
(March , )
by Nancy Stearns, Catherine G. Roraback, Kathryn Emmett,
Marjorie Gelb, Barbara Milstein, and Marilyn Seichter,
Attorneys for the Plainti-Appellants
In October , with reform bills still stalled in the legislature, four lawsuits were led
challenging New York’s th-century abortion ban. Although focused on constitutional
claims rather than policy arguments, three of the four cases were rooted in familiar
arguments for abortion reform: the economic inequality of access to abortion and the
ability—the right—of professionals to prescribe a course of action to those that seek their
guidance. But the fourth case, Abramowicz v. Leowitz, was novel, for not only did
it make claims on the Constitution, but it added to the claims of doctors and of poor
women a new claim advanced for women as a class. e Abramowicz suit, brought on
behalf of over women—as well as male and female lawyers, clergy, counselors, and
medical professionals—challenged New York’s abortion ban “to ensure that women will
have the right to control their own lives and bodies.” It asserted this then-novel consti-
tutional claim on several grounds.
In their brief, excerpted below, the Abramowicz plaintis argued that the New
York abortion law forced women who would not otherwise make such choices to undergo
childbirth, seek illegal abortions, or take oral contraceptives (which at that time were
still of questionable safety), thereby endangering their lives as well as their physical and
mental health. e law thus violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s requirement that the
state not deprive persons of life without due process of law. e plaintis also argued that
the physical and mental anguish caused by forced childbirth were sucient to constitute
“cruel and unusual punishment” under the Eighth Amendment.
But the core of the brief argued that the criminalization of abortion violated wom-
en’s rights to privacy and to equal protection of the laws. e privacy claim invoked
and extended the Supreme Court’s decision in Griswold v. Connecticut, which struck
down criminal bans on the sale of contraception; the right to privacy was familiar in
law although, to this point, not commonly used in conversations about abortion. e
equal protection claim in Abramowicz was groundbreaking. Whereas previous equal
protection arguments had focused on the disparity in access to abortion between wealthy
and poor women, the Abramowicz brief represents one of the rst attempts to argue that
the abortion right is essential to ensure equality between men and women. At the time
the brief was written, the Supreme Court had yet to strike down any law on equal pro-
tection/sex discrimination grounds. Interestingly, the equal protection argument of the
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plaintis’ brief in Abramowicz is identical to the argument made later by the plaintis’
lawyer, Nancy Stearns, in an amicus brief she submitted to the Supreme Court in Roe
v. Wade (see Appendix). e brief argues that laws criminalizing abortion deny women
sexual eedom, and inict on women the many disparate burdens that mothers face.
Aware that they were advancing novel claims and committed to changing the law,
the plaintis’ lawyers repeatedly appealed to women’s experiences and even integrated
women’s oices into their constitutional argument by citing a transcript containing tes-
timony to support points or claims then not recognized by law. is strategy reiterated
the larger argument the Abramowicz plaintis were advancing: that the law governing
abortion should more fully respect and incorporate women’s concerns and experiences.
This is an action brought by approximately plaintiffs—women, medical work-
ers, lawyers, social workers—all seeking to ensure that women will have the right
to control their own lives and bodies.
Fourteen witnesses testied, some of whom were plaintis; all were women,
except for a Rabbi, author of Birth Control and Abortion in Jewish Law. All testi-
ed concerning the harshness of the abortion laws upon women and the interfer-
ence of the laws with women’s constitutionally protected rights.
Women spoke of their experiences, as women, with the New York State abor-
tion laws. Some testied concerning the experience of undergoing an illegal abor-
tion; some about leaving the United States to have the operation; others spoke of
giving up a baby for adoption and the agony of the home for unwed mothers. One
testied about a forced marriage. Women involved were Catholic, Protestant, Jew-
ish, and Atheistic. e women were white and middle class, by and large, writers,
teachers, an artist, and an editor.
One witness who had an abortion, spoke of the trauma, “(the illegality)...that
was the main trauma for me, to go underground and not know whether I could
get it or not and go through the underground and calling doctors and being scared
as to who would do it and whether I would live or die and ever be able to have
babies again.” (Tr. Judith Leavitt). Another spoke of the responsibility in having a
child: “I personally feel that to bring a child into this world is a fantastic human
responsibility that should only be carried out when man and woman together
desire a child and are willing to take full responsibility for that child’s upbring-
ing.” (Tr.Susan Brownmiller)
Two population experts testied (Judith Bruce and Emily Moore) and one
former case worker for the Department of Welfare in New York (Judith Leavitt).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Two of the witnesses were doctors. Dr. Natalie Shainess, psychiatrist and psy-
choanalyst, spoke of the psychological trauma suered by women due to the fact
that abortion is a criminal act. Dr. June Finer, who works with the Judson Church
Clinic at th St. and Ave. B, spoke of how her ability to refer a woman for an abor-
tion was predicated upon the nancial condition of the woman:
Q. Now, does there come a time when young women have occasion to come to
you with a problem of unwanted pregnancies?
A. Yes.
Q. How is it that you deal with this problem?
A. I try and evaluate their nancial resources, which is a bad thing by medical
standards... To have to evaluate the nancial resources of a person... Before
you can decide what medical advice to give them. I am afraid that’s a prob-
lem. Given that they have the capacity to raise . or more, I would refer
them to the Clergy Consultation Service... It’s a group of Clergy from all over
the country who believe that abortion is the right of every woman and they
are able to recommend ways and places to obtain safe abortion, many of which
are out of the country and which are relatively expensive... I nd that they
have no nancial resources, I am in a very dicult situation, because I am
unable to give very eective advice.
I may feel that, abortion is indicated, but by the New York Statute, I am
really tied.
I cannot give the advice that I would like to give. I cannot point them to
the resources that I would like to be able to. (Tr. June Finer, H.S.)
e defendants (Louis J. Leowitz, Attorney General of the State of New
York; Burton B. Roberts, District Attorney, City of New York—Bronx County;
and Frank Hogan, District Attorney, City of New York—New York County) pre-
sented no witnesses.
e Intervenors (a group of eight doctors) presented seven doctors as wit-
nesses—all male and all Catholic. None of them has ever applied the New York
Statute in his practice, either because he did not practice in New York State or
because his personal and/or religious scruples prohibited him from performing
an abortion even to preserve the mother’s life. ree gynecologists testied. ey
all stated that abortion law was clear; nevertheless, not all Intervenors witnesses
agreed on practical application. One psychiatrist, sta doctor to Our Lady of
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Victory Home for Unwed Mothers, in Bualo, testied. His testimony and that
of Dr. Natalie Shainess were in sharp conict. A fetologist and embryologist also
testied. In addition, Intervenors presented a Battered Child expert (Dr. Helfers).
His testimony, however, did not support their original working hypothesis that an
unwanted pregnancy was not a relevant factor in the likelihood of whether a child
would become physically abused by its parents.
.
,
The equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment was originally drawn
to protect black people. Since that time, its protection has been greatly extended.
First the courts extended equal protection to protect Chinese. More recently it has
been extended to protect aliens, and in it was applied to Mexican Americans.
In the United States District Court for Connecticut applied the Equal
Protection Clause to women. e court held that a state law providing for greater
punishment for a woman than for a man committing the same oense constitutes
an “invidious discrimination against her which is repugnant to the equal protec-
tion of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.” Nonetheless, New
York does just this to a woman for performing an act which is not a crime. Man
and woman have equal responsibility for the act of sexual intercourse. Should the
woman accidentally become pregnant, however, against her will she endures in
many instances the entire burden or “punishment.”
In getting an abortion, the threats and punishments fall on the woman. is
happens even where the decision to have an abortion has been a mutual one:
although (the relationship) was a mutual consent and the abortion was also
mutual consent it was I who endured all the consequences of it when the gy-
necologist threatened to have me put in jail. He didn’t also threaten to have
the father of the child put in jail although the father of the child was half
responsible for conception and responsible for the decision on the abortion.
(Tr. Mainardi)
It is oen said that if men could become pregnant or if women sat in the leg-
islatures there would no longer be laws prohibiting abortion. is is not said in
jest. It reaches to the heart of the unequal position of women with respect to the
burdens of bearing and raising children and the fact that they are robbed of the
ability to choose whether they wish to bear those burdens.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
And the woman carries an unequal and greater share of the burden, not
merely for nine months, but for many years all in violation of the equal protection
of the laws, as we shall discuss below. e abortion laws therefore present a rather
unusual constitutional situation. At rst glance, it would appear that the concept
of equal protection of the laws might not even apply since the laws relate only to
women. However, when we look beyond the face of the laws to their eect we see
that the constitutional test of equal protection must be applied to them. For the
eect of the laws is to force women, against their will, into a position in which
they will be subjected to a whole range of de facto types of discrimination based
on the status of motherhood.
As we have discussed at length above, a woman who has a child is subject to
a whole range of de jure and de facto punishments, disabilities and limitations
to her freedom from the earliest stages of pregnancy. In the most obvious sense,
she alone must bear the pains and hazards of pregnancy and childbirth. She is
suspended or expelled from school and thus robbed of her opportunity or educa-
tion and self development. She is red from her employment and thereby denied
the right to earn a living and if single and without independent income, forced
into the degrading position of living on welfare. If she has pre-school age children
employers may refuse to hire her despite the provisions of the Civil Rights Act of
which states that it is unlawful for an employer “to fail or refuse to hire or to
discharge any individual...because of such individual’s sex...,” for according to the
Fih Circuit, it is inconceivable that Congress intended to:
exclude absolutely any consideration of the normal relationship of working
fathers to their pre-school age children and to require that an employer treat
the two exactly alike in the administration of its general hiring policies.
If she is unmarried unless she succeeds in obtaining an abortion, she has no
choice but to bear the child while the man who shares responsibility for her preg-
nancy can and oen does just walk away. One plainti had the following experi-
ence which has been duplicated so oen:
Up until this point (the pregnancy) we had been like engaged and plan-
ning to get married you know in the future and at this point he said “Well I
changed my mind about the whole thing. I don’t want anything to do with it.
You do what you want with the baby.” So the whole thing rested on me and
he disappeared. After this I never saw him again (Tr. Leavitt)
e woman is then alone with the problem of seeking and nancing the abor-
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tion and if that fails, she is alone paying the expenses of pre-natal care and child-
birth and raising and supporting the child. Under New York law, the mother is
liable for child support if the father is unable to support the child or cannot be
found within the state [Family Court Act §]. If the father denies paternity, the
mother is forced to initiate a paternity action where she must prove his paternity
by “clear and uncontradicted evidence,” not merely by a preponderance of the evi-
dence. is exposes her to accusations concerning her sexual behavior from the
father if he is seeking to avoid legal responsibility for the child.
Having been forced to give birth to a child she did not want she is subject to
criminal sanctions for child neglect if she does not care for the child to the satis-
faction of the state. She is held responsible if the child becomes a juvenile delin-
quent. Even here the disabilities for the woman are greater than for the man, for
the New York courts seem to have found as a matter of law that the mother has a
greater responsibility for the child than the father. In the case of People v. Edwards,
though the father and mother were jointly indicted for failure to provide shelter
and medical attention for their baby, the court held that only the mother could be
punished for failing to bring the baby to a doctor when a condition which began
with a diaper rash resulted in the child’s death. Of course, again, if the woman
is unmarried and paternity was never legally established, the woman bears these
legal burdens alone.
Even where the father is present, the mother rather than the father is forced to
be primarily responsible for raising the children. As long as “women, as a class earn
less than men,” and women have less opportunity for advancement, they, rather
than the father, will remain at home to raise the family.
If such a broad range of disabilities are permitted to attach to the status of
pregnancy and motherhood, that status must be one of choice. And it is not suf-
cient to say that the women “chose” to have sexual intercourse, for she did not
choose to become pregnant. As long as she is forced to bear such an extraordi-
narily disproportionate share of the pains and burdens of childrearing (including,
of course, pregnancy and childbirth), then, to deprive her of the ultimate choice
as to whether she will in fact bear those burdens violates the most basic aspects
of “our American ideal of fairness” guaranteed and enshrined in the Fourteenth
Amendment.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
.
’
...In holding unconstitutional the Connecticut birth control laws the Supreme
Court in Griswold v. Connecticut (), reminded us that the “Right to privacy
[is] no less important than any other right carefully and particularly reserved to
the people.”
Just as women are guaranteed the right to determine whether to utilize various
forms of birth control in order to prevent and/or terminate pregnancy they have
the right to determine whether to seek abortion if and when those other methods
fail. For under the Constitution, abortion may and should be considered no more
nor less than back-up or last resort methods of birth control.
....
Freedom and privacy in the decision of whether to limit family size by means
of birth control is essential to any meaningful constitutional right of privacy. e
freedom to limit family size by means of abortion is equally essential. For as will
be discussed more fully below, no valid legal distinction can be made between
these several methods of controlling family size. Such an arbitrary and invidious
discrimination which forces women into the underworld of abortion and even
denes those same women criminals themselves in order to implement personal
decisions which are their right, constitutes the most basic egregious “governmen-
tal [invasion] of the sanctity of a man’s home and the privacies of life.” Griswold.
In developing the concept of privacy as a right penumbral to the First Amend-
ment, Justice Douglas noted in Griswold that the First Amendment protects
not only freedom to associate, but also, privacy in one’s associations. For as the
Supreme Court noted in N.A.A.C.P. v. Alabama (), there is a “vital relation-
ship between freedom to associate and privacy in one’s associations.” When the
privacy is invaded, all too oen the associations are too. is happens not only in
the political sphere, which N.A.A.C.P. v. Alabama sought to protect, but also in
the personal sphere. at is just what happens when the state interferes in what
should be the decision of a man and woman as to whether they will have a child.
Arbitrarily told they must bear and raise a child they have unintentionally con-
ceived, the strain is oen far too great for the relationship and destroys it. As we
have seen above, this leaves the woman totally on her own. Even when the rela-
tionship survives, the additional unwanted child cannot help but place strains on
the family relationship.
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It is impossible to separate the fact of pregnancy from the sexual relations that
precede it. Just as in the inability to obtain contraceptives cannot but aect the
sexual relations of a couple, the inability to terminate an accidental pregnancy has
the same destructive eects....
As the Supreme Court stated in the case of Terry v. Ohio (), “no right
is more sacred...than the right of every individual to the possession and control
of his own person....” For a woman, the control of her own body—the decision
concerning whether she will or she will not bear a child—must be her own private
decision. is private decision is inextricably linked to a woman’s right of liberty
to control her life and with her privacy of association. It is an area which may not
be invaded by the state of New York with its abortion laws.
Excerpted from plaintis’ brief, Abramowicz v. Leowitz, No. Civ. , United States
District Court for the Southern District of New York, March , .
Memorandum of Assemblywoman
Constance E. Cook ()
Feminist protest in the Washington Square speak-out and in the Strike for Equality,
coupled with the Abramowicz litigation, helped disseminate the feminist argument for
repeal, which converged with public health, social justice, and population control argu-
ments for the decriminalization of abortion.
In , Assemblywoman Constance Cook (–) introduced a bill that would
(partially) repeal, rather than simply reform, New York’s abortion law. Whereas previ-
ous reform bills had sought only to broaden the circumstances under which therapeutic
abortion was authorized, Cook’s bill would remove all restrictions on abortion within
the rst weeks of pregnancy. e reform bill had prompted internal debate among
supporters about which circumstances were bad or dangerous or dicult enough to jus-
tify an abortion. e repeal bill obviated divisive debates among reformers over par-
ticular grounds for abortion, thereby unifying those in favor of liberalization—doctors,
lawyers, clergy, and feminists—in support of a single bill.
In the following memorandum, Assemblywoman Cook, a Republican om Ithaca,
argues for repeal advancing many of the policy arguments that were previously advanced
to justify abortion reform: doctors’ ability to practice medicine, women’s health, and the
importance of having the same law for the wealthy and the poor. Note, however, that
the memo increasingly argues in a constitutional realm as it emphasizes disparities
in access to abortion along racial lines, and concludes by reaming the abortion issue
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
as one of individual liberty. Whereas the church is ee to sanction individuals’ moral
decisions, the state is not. Cook argues that abortion is a matter of the “civil rights of
women”—“a matter of private decision, a matter of a person’s own conscience and her
doctor’s medical judgment” that is appropriately beyond government’s control. Abor-
tion, Cook argues, is now in the zone of beliefs that religious authorities may debate,
but government may not impose.
Penal Law, §.. The purpose of this act is to eliminate abortion performed
up to the twenty-fourth week from the commencement of a female’s pregnancy
as a crime. If this bill is adopted, abortion would be subject only to the concerned
conscience of the individual and the best medical advice of her physician.
Illegal abortions are the single largest cause of maternal death in the United
States. e tragedy is compounded by the fact that virtually no deaths result when
an abortion is conducted in accordance with proper medical procedures. Tietze
and Lewit, in the January Scientic American, state that hundreds of thou-
sands of illegal abortions are done each year. Many authorities believe, however,
that the gure should be a million to a million-and-a-half.
Most abortions are done on unwed girls or women who are married and who
already have at least one child. It is generally believed that one out of every ve
pregnancies ends in abortion; that one out of every ve women will have an abor-
tion by the time she is . Most of the forty-one women who died in New York
City as a result of illegal abortions during the last two years were married and le
children behind. In view of the above a reform bill would not make a dent in the
problem of illegal abortions.
e preponderance of legal abortions are done on white middle class women
in hospitals. erapeutic abortions are generally based on “suicidal threats” and
require extensive psychiatric medical evidence. e price is very high. In New York
City (–), the ratio of therapeutic abortions per , deliveries was . for
white women, . for Negro women and . for Puerto Rican women. A reform bill
would probably preserve this ratio. Only repeal would bring equality.
Since the law prohibiting abortion except to save the life of the women was rst
enacted, health care has changed radically. e law was enacted at the time when
abortion could prove fatal to the person upon whom it was performed because
of lack of aseptic techniques. Historic reasons for the criminal abortion laws are
obsolete. An excellent statement of the reasons for repealing the abortion laws was
contained in People v. Belous, A. C. (). In that case the highest court
in California held unconstitutional the old California abortion statute which was
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
similar to the present New York law. e California decision challenged the law
on the grounds of being vague, an invasion of privacy, a limitation of the civil
rights of women, and obsolete. e Washington, D.C. abortion law has also been
declared unconstitutional by the courts. Several suits to declare the New York law
unconstitutional have been initiated. Twenty-four weeks was the dividing point
under the old law for the seriousness of the penalty. Twenty-four weeks has gener-
ally been recognized as a time under which a fetus is not viable.
e medical profession is being unjustiably inhibited by the present law.
Doctors are oen forced to choose between ignoring their best medical judgment,
or referring the patient to someone who will perform an abortion.
ere has been increasing support for a liberalized bill from various church
groups around the state. e New York State Council of Churches has declared
that the state should limit its involvement to requirements that abortions be car-
ried out under normal medical and health laws. Similar shis were voted by the
American Jewish Congress, Presbytery of New York City, American Baptist Con-
vention, Council of Churches of the City of New York, the Episcopal Diocese of
New York and the National Assembly of Unitarian Churches.
Support for such a measure can also be found in Catholic circles. e Rev.
Robert F. Drinan, Dean of the Boston College Law School, argues that it would
be preferable to “keep the state out of the business of decreeing who is to be born”
and to place abortion in the same category as adultery and other acts that are con-
demned by the Church as immoral but not punished by the state as criminal.
Statistics on illegal abortions in the United States indicate that the eort to
make an immoral act illegal has failed. On the other hand, great personal trag-
edies have resulted from attempts to end unwanted pregnancies.
It is respectfully submitted that abortion should be a matter of private deci-
sion, a matter of a person’s own conscience and her doctor’s medical judgment. It
should not be determined by the state. e legislation is permissive. It would force
no one to live under its dictates or to live in a moral or religious environment for-
eign to his upbringing or training.
is memorandum was published by the New York Legislative Service in the New York State
Legislative Annual ().
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Plaintiff-Appellant’s Brief, Byrn v. New York City
Health & Hospitals Corporation (June , )
e ote on Assemblywoman Cook’s repeal bill was nothing if not dramatic. Just as
it appeared to have suered a narrow defeat in the New York Assembly, the bill was
saved by one legislator’s last-minute change of heart. Standing to get the attention of
the Speaker, Assemblyman George M. Michaels reversed his initial ote against the bill:
“I realize, Mr. Speaker,” explained Michaels, “that I am terminating my political career,
but I cannot in good conscience sit here and allow my ote to be the one that defeats this
bill.” And so, with his ote, Cook’s bill was passed in April .
Within the next year, , legal abortions were performed in New York City.
Nearly one-quarter took place in the city’s municipal hospitals, and nearly one-third of
all abortions performed on New York residents were covered by Medicaid—gures that
indicate that poor women who previously had very limited access to legal abortions were
now able to terminate their pregnancies safely, and were choosing to do so. e propor-
tion of abortions performed during the rst trimester of pregnancy grew substantially
during the rst year of legalization, om . percent during the rst two months (July
and August ) to . percent by March .
e law repealing New York’s abortion statute rendered Abramowicz, the law-
suit contesting the ban’s constitutionality, moot. But legalization of abortion prompted
opponents to employ litigation as the feminist movement had: to mount a constitutional
challenge to the state’s abortion law. In , Robert M. Byrn—a Fordham University
law professor, early leader of New York’s Catholic anti-abortion movement who pro-
vided legal guidance and soon would author of the National Right to Life Committee’s
brief in Roe—brought a class action suit against New York City’s municipal hospitals
on behalf of all fetuses scheduled to be aborted there under New York’s new law.
Appealing to science and civil rights, Byrn argued that New York’s new law was
unconstitutional. He argued that the embryo/fetus, which he termed the “unborn
child,” is a human being—and constitutionally protected person—om conception.
He then claimed for the unborn the same bundle of constitutional rights that feminist
lawyers had claimed for women in the recently led Abramowicz case, arguing that
abortion at public hospitals discriminates against the fetus, in violation of the equal
protection clause; denies the fetus life without due process; and subjects the fetus to
cruel and unusual punishment. e lawsuit mirrored the feminist lawsuit in key
respects; Nancy Stearns, the attorney who led the Abramowicz case, observed of the
Byrn complaint that “if you take our original complaint and you take their complaint,
you will discover that where we said that women have constitutional rights to l iberty,
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
to life, to privacy, and to be ee om cruel and unusual punishment and to the
equal protection of the laws, they said a fetus has those rights. It’s virtually the same
argument word for word.” e state of New York responded to the Byrn complaint
by defending its recently enacted abortion law, arguing that the fetus is not a legal
person and therefore not entitled to constitutional protection.
Just as the Abramowicz suit expressed claims in support of enacting New York’s
abortion law, the Byrn suit supported eorts to repeal the law. As Byrn was pro-
gressing through the courts, the right-to-life movement was organizing its members to
defeat legislators who had oted for the state’s repeal statute and to secure legisla-
tive support for repealing the repeal statute—an eort that very nearly prevailed in
, the year the case reached the New York Court of Appeals, the state’s highest court.
Without explicitly referencing this debate, the Court of Appeals denied Byrn’s claim,
explaining that although the issues presented by the lawsuit were “real,” they were none-
theless neither “legal [n]or justiciable.” e court held that “[t]he Constitution does not
confer or require legal personality for the unborn; the Legislature may, or it may do
something less, as it does in limited abortion statutes, and provide some protection far
short of conferring legal personality.” e concurrence emphasized this point, presaging
the legislative debate that would soon follow: “[T]he formidable task of resolving this
issue is not for the courts. Rather, the extent to which fetal life should be protected is
a value judgment not committed to the discretion of judges but reposing instead in the
representative branch of government.”
Below is an excerpt of Byrn’s brief before the New York State Court of Appeals (New
York’s highest court).
Plaintiff’s wards are infant Roe and other unborn living human beings within
weeks of gestation whose mothers have been scheduled, are scheduled or will be
scheduled during the course of this action for abortions in the municipal hospitals
of defendant-respondent Hospitals Corporation, for reasons other than necessary
to preserve their lives. For the purposes of this appeal, the facts as pleaded and as
set forth in the supporting medical affidavits submitted by plaintiff have not been
disputed and are before this Court. They are as follows:
....
. Each individual member of the unborn class is an unmistakable individual
human being.
. Each member of the class has been determined to be in existence by a conr-
mation of pregnancy and is between the th and th week of gestation.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
. Each member of the class is genetically human and genetically distinct and
distinguishable from his mother.
. Each member of the class is an irreversibly individuated, living human being.
. Each member of the class is dependent on his mother only for sustenance and
for a place to live, develop and grow.
. Each member of the class is in existence less than weeks from the com-
mencement of the pregnancy of the female with whom each resides en ventre
sa mere.
. At weeks each member of the class has a pulsating, albeit primitive, human
heart. e foundation of the brain, spinal cord and entire nervous system has
been established and the eyes have begun to form. Each member of the class,
by the th week of gestation, has completed the period of greatest growth and
physical change of his lifetime.
. At weeks each member of the class (a) responds to tickling of the lips by
bending the upper body to one side and making a quick backward motion
with his arm, (b) possesses a brain which in conguration is already like the
adult brain and which transmits recordable impulses that coordinate the
function of various organs, (c) possesses a stomach that produces digestive
juices, a liver that manufactures blood cells and kidneys that extract uric acid
from the infant’s blood.
. From the th week until adulthood, when full growth is achieved, the changes
in the bodies of the members of the class will be in development and gradual
renement of the systems and organs of the body already established.
. Each member of the class, if his life is not terminated, will normally develop
and grow in a continuous natural process in which birth, puberty and other
events are merely steps along the way.
....
Respondents did not dispute the medical and biological testimony submitted by
appellant at Special Term. To the contrary, they conceded that there is no dis-
puted issue of fact. On the undisputed evidence, each member of appellants’ class
is a live human being—a fact which goes to the very heart of this action because
it is inextricably intertwined with the constitutional rights of the members of the
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
class. As an ultimate fact, upon which constitutional rights depend, the issue of
the human beingness of the members of the class is necessarily and appropriately
before this Court. Whether this Court decides the issue here and now or remands
the case for trial, this issue of constitutional fact must be resolved (Point I, infra).
Outside of the aberration of abortion “reform,” the law recognizes and pro-
tects the unborn human being as a person whenever his health or safety is threat-
ened. is is true in equity, when a court as parens patriae, invades such treasured
rights as religious freedom and personal, family, and residential privacy, to pro-
tect the unborn child; it is true in social services law, when Aid to Dependent
Children is granted for the benet of an unborn child; it is true in the criminal
law which requires that a reprieve be granted a pregnant woman condemned to
death to guard against the taking of the life of an unborn child for the crime of
the mother; it is true in tort law when a child aer birth brings an action for pre-
natal injuries grounded on a violation of his pre-natal rights; and it was true from
time immemorial (up to the “reform” movement) in the law of abortion which had
striven for centuries to nd, and had evolved, ways of protecting the unborn child
from the moment his biological existence could be medically established, while
at the same time meeting the requirements of proof in an abortion prosecution.
is whole body of “pre-natal law” was not erected to protect a legal ction—
a physiological part of the mother. Rather it was and is meant to protect a human
person. History, law, and logic compel a nding that the unborn child, from the
moment his biological existence can be conrmed and was and is a person at com-
mon law, under the Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights, the Con-
stitution of the State of New York, and the Due Process of the Equal Protection
Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution—at
least for the protection of life aorded all human persons under those guarantees.
....
of a purportedly civil statute, respondent Hospitals Cor-
poration is inicting death upon innocent human persons who have been legis-
lated out of the law’s protection by the Amended Abortion Act. e iniction of
death is punitive not civil. Whether one characterizes abortion-at-will as a denial
of due process to the innocent for disturbing by their presence the sensibilities
of others, or as cruel and unusual punishment for occupying the status of being
unborn and unwanted, the Amended Abortion Act, on its face, in its eect and
as applied, particularly, by respondents Hospitals Corporation is an unconstitu-
tional deprivation of the right to live of each member of appellant’s class.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
e protection of the unborn child’s constitutional right to life is not a value
judgment reposing in the representative branch of government. e protection of
rights enshrined in the Constitutions of the United States and the State of New
York has been entrusted to the courts precisely so that their erosion by legislatures
may be prevented.
It is to this end, that appellant’s wards, through their guardian, have brought
this action.
....
. , ,
(
),
’
.
....
Constitutional protection of fundamental rights is not doled out to some human
beings and selectively withheld from others. To say that an individual is a living
human being in fact, but not a “person” entitled to constitutional protection of,
for instance, so basic a right as the right to live, is to make a sham of the Constitu-
tion. History, law and logic are against it. Each member of appellant’s unborn class
is a human person entitled to constitutional protection.
....
human beings. e very rationale which requires that
women be “persons” under the Fourteenth Amendment, requires also that unborn
children be “persons” within the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses.
....
...[N]otions of due process and equal protection are not tied to ancient preju-
dices and obsolete science: “We agree, of course, with Mr. Justice Holmes that the
Due Process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment ‘does not enact Mr. Herbert
Spencer’s Social Statistics.’ Likewise, the Equal Protection Clause is not shackled
to the political theory of a dierent era.” Today, “[T]he clauses protect all persons
of any class or race, whether they be Arab, Japanese, or Chinese, Jews, Christians
or atheists, aliens or citizens, residents or nonresidents, men or women, individuals
or corporations.” ere is no warrant in history, logic or pre-natal law for exclud-
ing unborn children from this list.
....
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
Equal Protection guarantees of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment are too important to admit of subjective denitions of “person” which place
an entire class of human beings outside its scope. Dening “person” by reference
to criteria other then biological realities inicts upon the Fourteenth Amendment
the very subjective prejudices which the framers sought to overcome.
...“[T]he very idea that one man may be compelled to hold his life at the mere
will of another, seems to be intolerable in any country where freedom prevails.”
e Fourteenth Amendment loses its potency when it is put at the mercy of sub-
jective denitions of personhood. It is for this reason that the Due Process and
Equal Protection Clauses know no standard for determining who is a “person”
and thus entitled to protection, other than the biological standard that reveals the
existence of life, humanness and being, as conrmed, by a practical medical test.
....
the state includes the power to legislate for the health
and safety of its inhabitants. But in this case, the inhabitants include both preg-
nant women and their unborn children. e Amended Abortion Act promotes
the death of unborn children, not their safety or health. Further, respondents must
concede that the police power in respect of eradicating crime is not unlimited.
In Cooper v. Aaron (), a local school board asked to be relieved of the “with-
all-deliberate-speed” integration order of Brown v. Board of Education (). e
board asked for the delay on the grounds:
that the past year at Central High School had been attended by conditions
of “chaos, bedlam and turmoil;” that there were “repeated incidents of more
or less serious violence directed against the Negro students and their proper-
ty;” that there was “tension and unrest among the school administrators, the
class-room teachers, the pupils, and the latters’ parents, which inevitably had
an adverse effect upon the educational program;” that a school official was
threatened with violence; that a “serious financial burden” had been cast on
the School District; that the education of students had suffered “and under
existing conditions will continue to suffer;” that the Board would continue
to need “military assistance or its equivalent;” that the local police depart-
ment would not be able “to detail enough men to afford the necessary protec-
tion;” and that the situation was “intolerable.”
e Court rejected the request:
As this Court said some 41 years ago in a unanimous opinion in a case in-
volving another aspect of racial segregation: “It is urged that this proposed
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
segregation will promote the public peace by preventing race conflicts. De-
sirable as this is, and important as is the preservation of the public peace, this
aim cannot be accomplished by laws or ordinances which deny rights created
or protected by the Federal Constitution.” Thus law and order are not here to
be preserved by depriving the Negro children of their constitutional rights.
Similar conclusions have been reached with respect to segregation of public
facilities, and public housing.
e right to live is superior to the right to be free of segregation. If the preven-
tion of crime is not such a compelling state interest as will justify a legislative clas-
sication which invades the right to be free of segregation, neither can it justify a
legislative classication which invades the right to live. In each case, the victims—
the integrated Black and the intrauterine baby—are unwanted. But unwantedness
is not an excuse for violence against the unwanted person. In turn the prevalence
of violence against unwanted persons is no justication for invading their rights
whether they be Blacks or babies. Unwantedness, whether expressed by violence;
by vote; by poll; or by amicus brief before this court, cannot justify the invasion of
the baby’s fundamental right to live. e compelling answer to this contention is
that “constitutional rights may not be denied simply because of hostility to their
assertion or exercise.”
....
child may be a source of strain upon family nances and
relationships does not justify his family’s killing him. And as for family nances if
the state is seeking to ameliorate poverty, it must do so by less drastic means than
legalizing the killing of the children of the poor.
....
family and of the home are no more compelling than
personal privacy as a justication for the legalized killing of unborn children.
Griswold v. Connecticut () held only that the state had failed to show the nec-
essary compelling interest to support an invasion of family privacy consisting of
a prohibition on the use of contraceptives in the conjugal relationship. Griswold
cannot be stretched to create a discretionary family right to kill unborn children.
e right and obligation of the state and its courts of equity, as parens patriae, to
interfere in family practices, which endanger the child both before and aer birth,
are too well settled and to indispensable to be questioned now. Nor can Pierce
v. Society of Sisters (), vindicating the right of parents to direct the upbring-
ing and education of children, be used as authority for a parental right to destroy
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
children.... Similarly, although Loing v. Virginia () and Skinner v. Oklahoma
(), may have recognized fundamental rights to marry and procreate, they
most certainly do not recognize any right, fundamental or otherwise, to abort the
procreated children of the marriage.
....
Neither sexual freedom nor women’s rights is the central issue in the abortion
cases. e nature and commencement of human life, as a live human being, is.
Excerpted from brief of plainti-appellant, Byrn v. New York City Health & Hospitals Corpora-
tion, N.Y.d , New York Court of Appeals, June , .
Letter from President Richard Nixon
to Terence Cardinal Cooke (May , )
Just as the feminist movement had employed protest actions and litigation to challenge
the state’s abortion law, so too did their rapidly mobilizing opponents. Seeking the repeal
and reinstatement of the state’s ban on abortion, on April , —designated “Right
to Life Sunday” by Terence Cardinal Cooke, Archbishop of New York—over ,
attended an anti-abortion rally sponsored by the Roman Catholic Knights of Columbus.
e same week, about anti-abortion protestors demonstrated at the state capitol,
and, in an action ironically reminiscent of the Redstockings, a group of women stormed
onto the oor of the New York Assembly demanding that legislators “Stop abortion!” e
New York Right to Life Committee spent , dollars on mailings. In addition to the
Roman Catholic Church, there were over right-to-life groups, comprising a claimed
, people, making phone calls, writing letters, and threatening primary ghts if
legislators did not ote to revoke the repeal.
On May , , President Richard Nixon sent the following letter to Cardinal
Cooke, expressing support for the Church’s campaign to reinstate New York’s abortion
ban. e letter represented an early gambit in a new campaign waged by the Republican
Party to woo Catholic oters away om the Democratic Party. Republican strategist
Kevin Phillips had identied Catholics as a target group for party realignment, and, by
, with speechwriter Patrick Buchanan’s assistance, the administration had identi-
ed abortion as an issue through which the president could speak to Catholic oters.
e president’s letter—ostensibly leaked unintentionally—drew criticism as interfering
in local aairs in the media as well as om New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, a
ocal supporter of New York’s liberalized abortion law, and New York chairman of
Nixon’s reelection campaign.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Recently, I read in the Daily News that the Archdiocese of New York, under your
leadership, had initiated a campaign to bring about repeal of the state’s liberalized
abortion laws. Though this is a matter for state decision outside federal jurisdic-
tion, I would personally like to associate myself with the convictions you deeply
feel and eloquently express.
e unrestricted abortion policies now recommended by some Americans,
and the liberalized abortion policies in eect in some sections of this country seem
to me impossible to reconcile with either our religious traditions or our Western
heritage. One of the foundation stones of our society and civilization is the pro-
found belief that human life, all human life, is a precious commodity—not to be
taken without the gravest of causes.
Yet, in this great and good country of ours, in recent years, the right to life of
literally hundreds of thousands of unborn children has been destroyed—legally—
but in my judgment without anything approaching adequate justication. Surely,
in the on-going national debate about the particulars of the “quality of life,” the
preservation of life should be moved to the top of the agenda.
Your decision, and that of tens of thousands of Catholics, Protestants, Jews,
and men and women of no particular faith, to act in the public forum as defenders
of the right to life of the unborn, is truly a noble endeavor. In this calling, you and
they have my admiration, sympathy and support.
With personal regards,
Sincerely, RN
Reprinted from correspondence archived by National Archives and Records Administra-
tion, ARC Identier .
Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller’s Veto Message
(May , )
e anti-abortion mobilization was successful, or nearly so. e legislature rejected
Goernor Rockefeller’s attempt at a compromise—a bill that would limit permissible
abortion to the rst weeks rather than the permitted under the law—and
oted to revoke entirely the law repealing the abortion ban. But Rockefeller had prom-
ised that he would veto any bill banning abortion, and he kept his promise, leaving New
York’s liberalized abortion law intact—barely.
In a message accompanying his veto, Governor Rockefeller did not expressly invoke
the Constitution. But he emphasized matters of fundamental principle—justifying the
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
veto as protecting the life and health of poor women, ensuring the equality of rich and
poor before the law, and defending a zone of private conscience om control by the state.
The same strong reasons that led me to recommend abortion law reform in my
Annual Messages to your Honorable Bodies for , and and to sign
into law the reform that was ultimately adopted in , now compel me to disap-
prove the bill just passed that would repeal that reform.
e abortion law reform of grew out of the recommendations of an out-
standing select citizens committee, representative of all aected parties, that I
appointed in .
Under the distinguished leadership of retired Court of Appeals Judge Charles
W. Froessel, the select committee found that the then existing, th-century, near-
total prohibition against abortion was fostering hundreds of thousands of illegal
and dangerous abortions. It was discriminating against women of modest means
who could not aord an abortion haven and the oen frightened, unwed, con-
fused young woman. It was promoting hypocrisy and, ultimately, human tragedy.
I supported the majority recommendations of the Froessel committee
throughout the public debate of this issue extending over three years, until the
Legislature acted to reform the state’s archaic abortion law. I can see no justica-
tion now for repealing this reform and thus condemning hundreds of thousands
of women to the dark age once again.
ere is, further, the recent Federal court decision invalidating the Connecti-
cut abortion law, which is substantially the same as the pre-reform New York law.
e law of that case, if upheld, would clearly invalidate the old New York law, as
well, were the repeal of abortion reform allowed to stand. In such a circumstance,
this state would be le with no law on the subject at all.
I fully respect the moral convictions of both sides in this painfully sensi-
tive controversy. But the extremes of personal vilication and political coercion
brought to bear on members of the Legislature raise serious doubts that the vote
to repeal the reform represented the will of a majority of the people of New York
State.
e very intensity of this debate has generated an emotional climate in which
the truth about abortions and about the present State abortion law have become
distorted almost beyond recognition.
e truth is that this repeal of the reform would not end abortions. It
would only end abortions under safe and supervised medical conditions.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
e truth is that a safe abortion would remain the optional choice of the well-
to-do woman, while the poor would again be seeking abortions at a grave risk to
life in back-room abortion mills.
e truth is that, under the present law, no woman is compelled to undergo an
abortion. ose whose personal and religious principles forbid abortion are in no
way compelled against their convictions under the present law. Every woman has
the right to make her own choice.
I do not believe it right for one group to impose its vision of morality on an
entire society. Neither is it just or practical for the State to attempt to dictate the
innermost personal beliefs and conduct of its citizens.
e bill is disapproved.
Reprinted from Public Papers of Nelson A. Rockefeller, Fiy-third Governor of the State of
New York, Memoranda on Legislative Bills Vetoed ().
The City Politic: The Case of the
Missing Abortion Lobbyists (May , )
by Hope Spencer
How did abortion opponents convince the legislature to revoke a bill that a majority
of New Yorkers still favored? e anti-abortion mobilization seems to have taken pro-
choice supporters by surprise. Whereas abortion opponents had been writing, calling,
threatening, and rallying around their legislators for months, those in favor of retain-
ing the law were slow to engage—becoming active only in the weeks leading up to
the ote. While the coalition that had succeeded in passing the repeal had begun
to agment and turn its attention to other issues, the anti-abortion movement was
becoming increasingly unied around a single issue, capable of delivering otes to sup-
port state legislators who acted with them and punishing those who did not, and able
to communicate its concerns in terms that appealed to an increasingly broad-based
constituency.
We women copped out in Albany, and we’re in trouble. We have three women in
the Legislature. We have almost no lobbyists. We nearly lost the right to choose
whether or not we shall bear children. Only the grace of a Rockefeller veto pre-
vented the repeal of legal abortion in New York. That reprieve certainly wasn’t the
work of the women, who have the most to lose.
LEGISLATION: NEW YORK
Remember all the noise about women’s lib? Remember the mass turnout of
, at the rally on August , , with everyone carrying those signs, “Abor-
tion on Demand?” Where were they these last weeks in Albany?
ere stood Betty Friedan on the Capitol steps, shouting into the microphone
at the May rally, wrapped in a red raincoat, her gray hair awry and frizzled in
the steady downpour, while a paltry people gathered beneath her. e scarred
veteran was there, but where were the young troops? During the whole campaign
not more than supporters and lobbyists appeared to back the cause and put
some muscle in the intimidated legislators’ backs.
It was the established planned-population groups that made the round-the-
clock last-minute eorts to save the existing law. ey ran tape recordings of bus
schedules on their phones and sat up nights printing yellow stickers saying “Don’t
Doom Women to Coat Hanger Abortions.”
e stalwarts included the white-haired Dr. Alan Guttmacher from Planned
Parenthood, Dr. Christopher Tietze from the Population Council, and Gordon
Chase from the Health Services Administration, who stood outside the Assembly
doors hour aer hour, jostled in the crush of Right-to-Lifers, waiting patiently to
see if an Assemblyman would answer their notes and come out of the chamber.
Only to be told brusquely, “Excuse me, Doctor, I only speak with my constitu-
ents,” or, “If I hear one more person talk about” mongoloids...”
Where were all the other doctors, the young doctors who are specializing in
abortion techniques? Where were the stas of those proprietary hospitals that have
turned over per cent of their beds to abortion patients? Where were the huge
counseling stas from the outpatient clinics whom I’ve watched give hours of sin-
cere attention to abortion patients each day? And where were some of the ,
New York State women who have had legal, safe abortions since July,?
organizational abilities of the Right-to-Lifers, in
contrast, were extraordinary. “You may win this time, but we’ll get you next time,”
I heard one member threaten an Assemblyman. ey meticulously prepare their
lobbyists, even their child lobbyists. “Do you know who your Assemblyman is?” I
asked a cluster of St. Fidelis eighth-graders pressed against the Assembly doors.
“John Lopresto,” they chirped in unison. “And Bronston is our Senator.”
Of the of us who showed up to lobby against repeal that rst Monday in
May, perhaps ve had ever been to the Capitol building before.... Up and down
the cavernous stone stairwells we tramped, along the endless halls, hopelessly,
utterly lost. Later, several of us felt foot-weary; we asked a uniformed guard at
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
the Assembly doors if we might sit in the visitors’ gallery upstairs. No, he told us
politely, only relatives and guests. “No lobbyists.” But why, we pressed him? “Well,
you see, the Assemblymen are afraid that you women may drop down into the
chamber some of them...uh...them fetuses, you call them.”
e self-appointed guardians of our morals in Albany seem to have become
obsessed by a horror of dead fetuses. Watch Assemblyman Kelleher in action. He
leaps to his feet crying, “We forgot the voiceless victim.” He waves alo a tiny
jar which supposedly contains a fetus. Immediately cameramen from every point
in the Chamber scramble frantically up the aisles; they approach the Fatal Fetal
Jar, surrounding Kelleher until all we can see is his blond head above the press
ofbodies.
Such melodrama—and less dramatic daily lobbying—got the votes. Assem-
blywoman Connie Cook, co-sponsor of the ’ abortion bill, had spoken in the
Assembly the previous day. ere was an aura of loneliness around her. In an
upstate accent, rather dry-voiced, she concluded her speech to keep the present
law: “I speak to you as the only mother in the Assembly, as the mother of two very
loved and wanted children. Life is hard. e very least a child can start out with is
the love of its own mother...”
Aer the repeal vote passed, reporters and cameramen converged on her from
all sides, bombarding her with endless questions. “What will women think? What
will women do?...” I asked her if she had something to say to New York women
about the future. She spoke in brisk tones: “Tell them to get smart. Women are
great at going to parades, but I want to see women run.”
Agreed. But before they can run for oce—or at least while they run—they
might try walking, too. Walking up and down Albany’s corridors doing the hard,
necessary work of leaning on legislators to keep the present abortion law on the
books. e Right-to-Lifers are certain to be doing plenty of leaning at the next
session.
Reprinted by permission of New York magazine.
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
Women vs. Connecticut, “Some Thoughts on Strategy”
(Circa February )
Whereas the abortion debate in New York was largely—though, as we have seen, by no
means exclusively—focused on the legislature, in Connecticut the legislature resisted
eorts to reform the state’s abortion law, a factor that led advocates for change to focus
on the courts instead.
Under Connecticut’s th-century statute, a woman could be imprisoned for seek-
ing or receiving an abortion, as could anyone who performed an abortion or helped a
woman procure one, unless it was necessary for the life of the woman or her fetus. Neither
a bill to add rape as an exception to the abortion law, nor a bill that would
permit therapeutic abortion, ever made it out of committee. ere was, however, a deep
normative divide between the legislature and many doctors and clergy in the state. As
the materials in Part I show, many in the state believed in repeal and counseled women
on obtaining legal abortions, in and out of state.
When a group of women’s liberation activists organized to challenge Connecticut’s
statute in the early s, they looked for new pathways of change. e group considered
organizing a referral service (with or without the assistance of clergy seeking repeal) in
order to increase access to abortion, educate women, and mobilize support for change,
and, eventually, to force the question of the law’s constitutionality. In ultimately decid-
ing to le a lawsuit arguing that Connecticut’s abortion law was unconstitutional, their
goal was not only—or perhaps even primarily—to repeal the law. On their list of objec-
tives, “get[ting] rid of Connecticut’s law” was third, behind “educat[ing] the world and
bring[ing] the subject into the open more...” and “involv[ing] women (lots of them) in
a winning ght about an issue that is peculiarly theirs.”
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
I. Objectives
A. To educate the world and bring the subject into the open more (along
with questions about women’s health care generally);
B. To involve women (lots of them) in a winning ght about an issue that is
peculiarly theirs;
C. To get rid of Connecticut’s law;
D. To enable as many women as possible to get abortions when they want
them.
II. Referral
A. To meet various objectives, this service would have to
. be ecient and capable of dealing with perhaps hundreds of women a
month;
. be clandestine (to avoid arrests, which would frustrate objective D at
least) and therefore involve considerable security consciousness (which
would limit our ability to attain objectives A and possible B and D);
OR
. be provocatively public (which would meet objectives A and B and D
until the bust and possibly A, B and C aer the bust);
. involve sensitive and sophisticated counseling and other related sup-
port services.
B. Arguments for a clandestine service
. It is needed. We already get calls. e only other organized service is
run mostly by men (CCS).
. We could involve a more or less limited number of women in doing
something that’s needed for themselves and for their sisters.
. It would be educational (but in a limited way).
C. Arguments against clandestine service
. We could only serve a limited number of women and involve a limited
number of women in working.
. If we were seriously worried about getting busted, we would have to
be very security conscious. at would be nerve-wracking and possibly
destructive to the proper spirit of women’s organizing.
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
. Our educational and propaganda impact would be minimal.
. We would be tting our institutions to meet a stupid law and have less
chance of dumping the law altogether.
D. Arguments for a public referral service
. It could put as much emphasis on education and propaganda as on
its basic service. Education is more eective in the context where the
subject counts.
. It could involve lots of women in a public ght for a while.
. We would be challenging Connecticut to enforce or dump its law. If
we were busted we would have a more urgent and perhaps better case
(First Amendment rights, too) then in a civil suit.
. We could see that more women got helped because they would know
about us.
E. Arguments against a public referral service
. We might not be in business long enough to accomplish anything.
. We might not be able to control who got busted. We would be risk-
ing things for women coming to us for help and for doctors. Getting
busted is a drag; someone could even end up serving time.
. Doctors and women might not come or cooperate for fear of the stu
mentioned in number () above.
. We would be prosecuted in Connecticut rather than federal courts; in
other words, in courts less likely to react positively to our arguments.
. e demand might be greater than we (or the “profession”) could han-
dle. We might nd we do more servicing than educating or organiz-
ing.
III. Law suit
A. We have a couple ways of doing it:
. We can join up with the clergy and Doug Schrader, their lawyer, in
one federal suit (not a class suit) involving clergy, women, and possibly
doctors all together; OR
. We can try to do our “own” strictly women’s suit in the style of the
now-moot New York suit.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
B. To meet various objectives we would have to
. Involve as many plaintis and witnesses as possible and/or get women
working on publicity, demonstrations and other aspects of the suit;
. Make a lot of noise about it all;
. Be willing to press on up to the Supreme Court, which means time,
among other things;
. Press the basic issues of women’s rights rather than vagueness argu-
ments which are more likely to win.
C. Arguments for a suit in general
. Without risking our necks we might succeed in getting rid of Con-
necticut’s law.
. We cannot really wait for the NY suit because it is nullied by the new
NY law.
. It is a convenient vehicle for publicity (otherwise known as education
or propaganda).
. It could be done in various ways—with greater or smaller numbers of
people involved and more or less devotion of our resources. In other
words, it could be grand scale or just one of several more modest
projects.
D. Arguments against a suit in general
. e Law is pretty remote from most people and dicult to get people
meaningfully involved in.
. For all our energy and time, it might not work. We might not win.
E. Arguments about going in with the clergy rather than doing our own
. ey would supply money, lawyers, respectability.
. ere would be more kinds of plaintis and thus more issues to be
raised.
. We could supply as many women plaintis and women’s issues as we
could come up with.
. ey will probably go ahead without us and before we get going on our
own suit if we do not join. ey would get ACLU support. at would
all be wasted resources.
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
. BUT A lot of things would be at their initiative (“they” being mostly
men).
. We might not have time to muster maximum publicity and support
for the women’s part.
IV. General agitation
(We have never discussed this possibility but probably should. Some women
in Washington State had demonstrations of + people in the state capi-
tal. Washington is now one state with a bill for abortion on demand before its
legislature.)
V. Doing nothing
(e tide of history seems to be running in our direction. Is this the time for
us to get involved or the time to become the vanguard in some less popular
cause?)
Reprinted by permission of Gail Falk.
Women vs. Connecticut Organizing Pamphlet
(Circa November )
Women versus Connecticut, as the group came to be called, presented a new model of
abortion activism. Abortion reform during the s initially sought to protect women;
Women versus Connecticut sought to empower them. Once the group decided to mount
a challenge to Connecticut’s law, only women, and as many as possible, were to be the
plaintis, lawyers, organizers, and experts.
What follows is an organizing pamphlet used by Women versus Connecticut to
recruit plaintis for the lawsuit. e signatories to the document included members
of the New Haven women’s liberation group, which drew on the students of Yale Law
School and the surrounding community. e organizing pamphlet sets forth the group’s
arguments, explains the process of bringing a lawsuit, and then sets out the grounds of
the group’s constitutional arguments. Once the group had decided to sue, it was deter-
mined to make clear that Women versus Connecticut’s eort to legalize abortion was
part of a larger struggle for equal oice and equal citizenship. As in New York, the
moement recruited hundreds of women as plaintis in the case. When led, there were
women named in the complaint; as the suit progressed, that number reached ,.
Lawyers for the group included Nancy Stearns of the Center for Constitutional Rights,
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
who played a key role in the Abramowicz case in New York, and Catherine Roraback
(–), a graduate of Yale Law School who had worked with Professor omas
Emerson in challenging Connecticut’s ban on birth control, which the Supreme Court
ruled unconstitutional in the Griswold case.
About fifteen women came together in February, because we wanted to do
something about abortion. Most of us were also in Women’s Liberation; about
half had had abortions; most of us had been contacted by women desperate to
obtain abortions. As we talked, we began to discover that “the abortion issue” is
inseparable from many other dimensions of our lives as women—we just think of
it as separate because society has isolated it by making it a crime. In our meetings
we began to understand that it was important for us to figure out how abortion
connected to the rest of our lives and couch our action in those terms.
At the end of eight months of discussion of our experiences, and research
we did on abortion and health care, we decided to try to reach all the women in
Connecticut who wanted to work with us to abolish Connecticut’s law against
abortion. We decided that bringing a lawsuit against Connecticut’s anti-abortion
law was an important rst step toward a decent health care system and women’s
control over their bodies.
We wrote the statement which follows to summarize for ourselves and new
people our thoughts about the relationships we came to see aer long discussion
and struggle. Newer members need not agree with all of what we now believe,
and we expect that the newly expanded group which has decided to call itself
Women versus Connecticut will probably evolve its own position. We present it
as an introduction because it is the basic stance from which the suit was initiated.
As women in this society, we lack control over our own bodies.
For years women have been under constant pressure to have children. Our
culture teaches us that we are not complete women unless we have children. Our
husbands and boyfriends encourage us to bear children as proof of their mascu-
linity. Contraception is almost always our responsibility. Contraceptives that are
known to be safe are not always eective; contraceptives that are known to be
eective are not always safe. Abortion is illegal, and women who get abortions
oen risk their lives.
Other pressures compel some of us not to have children. If we are unmarried,
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
we become social outcasts by bearing children. ose of us who are poor and live
on welfare know that opponents of welfare want to limit the size of our families.
We are pressured to use contraceptives or be sterilized; each time we have another
child the meager allowance per child gets even smaller. Population control advo-
cates tell us that overpopulation is the reason our environment is polluted. ey
imply that unless women everywhere stop having babies, thousands of children in
underdeveloped countries will starve, and all people will be deprived of clean air,
pure water, and space in which to live.
We want control over our own bodies. We are tired of being pressured to have
children or not to have children. It’s our decision.
But control over our bodies is meaningless without control over our lives.
Women must not be forced into personal and economic dependence on men or
on degrading jobs in order to assure adequate care for the children they bear. Our
decisions to bear children cannot be freely made if we know that aid in child care
is not forthcoming and that we will be solely responsible for the daily care of our
children.
We are a group of women associated with Women’s Liberation who want to
bring suit to challenge Connecticut’s abortion law. For the past several months
we have been meeting regularly to talk about abortion, population control, health
care, and our lives as women. We have decided to act to change some of the oppres-
sive realities of our lives.
We believe that women must unite to free themselves from a culture that
denes them only as daughters, wives, and mothers. We must be free to be human
whether or not we choose to marry or bear children.
We believe it is wrong for this society to put the economic needs of corpora-
tions rst and human needs second. ese corporations rob ird World countries
of resources with which their populations could be fed. At home, they make their
prots by exploiting workers and polluting the environment. We think the issue
is not control of the world’s population but control of the world’s resources. e
question is not how many children but what proportion of the world’s resources
each child receives.
We believe all people have a right to meaningful work, an adequate income,
access to good health care, and parent-controlled child care. We believe children
have a right to be born into a world where many adults will be able to love and care
for them according to their needs.
We don’t expect these things to be given to us; we will have to ght for them.
e abortion suit is just a beginning. If we succeed in changing the law, we will
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
still have to ght to make abortions cheap enough so all women can aord them.
We will have to struggle to prevent abortion from being used as a weapon against
women who want to have children. We will have to ght to create a health care
system controlled by those who use and work in it. And we know there are many
other struggles ahead.
We are women committed to working together for these changes. Join us!
Betsy Gilbertson Wilhelm, Gretchen Goodenow,
Michele Fletcher, Ann Freedman, Sasha Harmon,
Marione Cobb, Jill Hultin, Harriet Katz, Ann Hill,
Gail Falk, Joan Gombos, Nancy Greep
We are initiating a suit to try to get Connecticut’s abortion law declared uncon-
stitutional.
Under present Connecticut law, abortions are only legal if they are necessary
to preserve the life of the mother. Women who have abortions as well as anyone
who either performs them or helps women arrange to get them can be imprisoned
and/or ned. e abortionist can be ned and imprisoned up to ve years;
the woman who had the abortion can be ned and imprisoned up to two
years; anyone who helped her arrange the abortion can be ned and impris-
oned for up to one year.
e law is used. Dr. Morris Sullman, a doctor in New London, was recently
convicted of performing an abortion. ere have been a number of arrests of those
suspected of performing and arranging illegal abortions in the New Haven area
in the past few months. (e woman who had the abortion rarely gets arrested.
e usual pattern is for police or medical personnel to threaten women who are
desperately ill following botched abortions with prosecution unless they agree to
reveal the name of their abortionist.)
Women vs. Connecticut has not chosen to try and change the law because we
believe in the power of the law to bring about the liberation of women, or even
because we are convinced that once the law is declared unconstitutional all women
who need them will be able to get abortions in Connecticut.
We see changing the law only as a necessary rst step toward making those
things possible.
As long as the law is on the books, doctors and hospitals can always hide
behind it. Hospitals which choose not to do abortions have an iron-clad defense;
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
hospitals like Yale-New Haven which do some abortions are protected from com-
munity pressure to do more by the argument that if their current practices are
publicized they will be forced to stop doing any.
And as long as the law makes obtaining an abortion a criminal act, we will
continue to be forced to behave like—and thus to feel like—criminals.
We doubt that our troubles will be over once the law is changed. We suspect
that hospitals will be reluctant to reallocate their priorities to make giving abor-
tions to thousands of women possible; that doctors will not want to spend much
of their valuable time doing this brief, uninteresting (and possibly unlucrative)
procedure. But we will never get to this stage without rst getting rid of the law.
Connecticut’s abortion law was enacted in and amended in . Many
states have laws similar to Connecticut’s, although in the past few years nine states
have enacted “reform” laws which make abortion legal under several categories
of circumstances: if the mother’s mental health is threatened, if there is evidence
indicating the child will be born with a deformity, if the child is the product of
rape or incest, etc. However, a recent study indicates that only of all women
who have abortions do so for reasons covered by “reform” laws—and expense pre-
vents many eligible women from getting them.
During the past year there have been some important legal changes. A Fed-
eral court in Washington, D.C. has declared the abortion law there unconstitu-
tional because it is too vague (it species that abortions are legal to preserve the
life and health of the mother). e Wisconsin abortion law, which is similar to
Connecticut’s, has been found unconstitutional by a Federal three-judge panel
which found that the police power of the state did not entitle it to deny to women
the right to decide for themselves whether or not to bear a child. Hawaii (which
has a -day residency requirement) and New York (no residency requirement)
have passed new laws which make abortion legal when performed in a hospital
by a doctor. e New York legislature appears to have been favorably inuenced
by four suits—one brought by several hundred women, the others by a minister,
a group of doctors, and several women for whom childbearing presented special
burdens—which were pending before a Federal three-judge panel in New York at
the time of passage of the new law.
ese changes in other states create a favorable climate for change in Con-
necticut. ere are a couple of ways the Connecticut law could be changed: by
getting a new law—like New York’s for example—passed by the legislature, or by
bringing a suit which asks the courts to nd Connecticut’s abortion law uncon-
stitutional.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Getting a new law that we would approve of through Connecticut’s heavily
Catholic legislature seems unlikely. Previous eorts to introduce even moderate
reform measures have been unsuccessful. Asking the courts to nd Connecticut’s
abortion law unconstitutional seems more apt to succeed.
What it means to “ask the courts to nd Connecticut’s abortion law uncon-
stitutional:”
. In every state there are two sets of courts—state courts and Federal courts.
State courts make decisions about cases that result from violation of state law.
Federal courts make decisions about cases that arise from violations of Federal
law and about conicts between state law and the Federal Constitution.
. ere are two ways we could go about asking the courts to make a decision on
the constitutionality of the Connecticut abortion law.
A. We could get arrested under the law—one way to do this might be to set up a
agrantly public referral service—and if we were convicted we could appeal
through the state courts, hoping eventually to win in the U.S. Supreme
Court. e problems with this approach are these: we would be unlikely to
get the law declared unconstitutional by Connecticut courts since they are
subject to the same political pressures as the legislature; it takes a long time
and a lot of money to go from the lowest state court to the U.S. Supreme
Court; some of us would have to get arrested and might go to jail.
B. We could go into Federal court and ask for a declaratory judgment. is
means that we would ask the U.S. District Court of Connecticut to ana-
lyze the Connecticut abortion law in terms of the U.S. Constitution and
nd the law unconstitutional. is amounts to asking the Federal court to
use its power as interpreter of the Constitution to make a ruling on a state
law which is ordinarily the territory of the state courts. To do this, no
one has to get arrested. ose of us who want the law declared unconsti-
tutional become plaintis in a civil action. e attorney general of Con-
necticut, who represents the state judicial system, is the defendant.
Advantages of this approach are that it takes less time and costs less than
bringing a test case by getting arrested; no one has to risk jail; the suit is a positive
statement of our position, instead of a defense to criminal charges.
Any group or combination of groups that feel themselves “irreparably harmed”
by the law can be plaintis in this type of suit. All women t in this category. We
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
have planned in terms of a women’s suit, in which the plaintis would be as many
women as possible single, married, professional, laywomen—all those who feel the
law denies them their constitutional rights. Twelve hundred New Jersey women
are bringing such a suit there. In New York, where a group of women brought a
similar suit, the plaintis included professionals—like doctors and ministers who
are frequently asked to give abortions or information about abortion. Any woman
who feels she might be in the position to advise another woman about abortion is
welcome to join our suit.
Since the constitutionality of abortion laws is being challenged in a number of
states, many of the legal arguments we are apt to use have already been set forth in
briefs written for other states. e legal arguments we plan to use are outlined in
the next section of this pamphlet.
Because the legal system is so chauvinist—only of lawyers are women, less
than of judges, and the law has been slow to recognize the rights of women—
the idea of bringing a women’s suit which demands that the legal system recognize
women’s rights is particularly appealing.
The legal arguments we are making to show that Connecticut’s abortion law vio-
lates women’s rights under the United States Constitution are summarized as
follows:
. Right to Privacy
The Connecticut abortion law violates a woman’s right to privacy, because it denies
her the right to control over her own body and the right to make her own decisions
in intimate personal matters related to marriage, family, and sex. It is every woman’s
decision, not the State’s decision, as to whether she wants to bear a child. It is a per-
sonal decision, made in privacy and not to be interfered with by the State.
. Right to Life, Liberty, and Property
A woman’s right to life is jeopardized by the abortion law in that childbirth carries
with it a risk to the life and health of the woman. This risk is higher than the risk
involved in getting an abortion in the early stages of pregnancy.
In Connecticut, the actuality of an unwanted pregnancy, or the possibility of
such a pregnancy, severely limits a woman’s liberty and freedom to engage in the
political process, to choose her own profession, and to fulll herself in any way
which does not relate to the bearing and raising of children. Unmarried women
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
who become pregnant and are forced to bear children against their will suer an
extreme deprivation of liberty and human dignity by the social stigma placed on
them as unwed mothers.
Women also suer loss of property in that they are denied jobs solely on the
basis of possible pregnancy, or motherhood. Pregnant women are forced to leave
their jobs without compensation and without any guarantee of returning to work
aer they give birth.
Women who are forced to bear children they cannot support suer extreme
economic hardship. Because there are few facilities for child care outside the home,
these women are eectively excluded from seeking employment and are forced to
rely on welfare or charities to help in raising their children, at a loss to their liberty
and independence in economic matters.
. Right to Equal Protection
(Right of Rich and Poor Alike to Get Abortions)
Rich women in Connecticut can afford to travel to London or Puerto Rico for
abortions. They also have greater opportunity to learn of private New York hos-
pitals that perform abortions for out-of-state women at fees of –. Thus,
Connecticut’s abortion law places a much heavier burden on poor women, who
cannot afford the prices charged by hospitals in New York for therapeutic abor-
tions, nor can they afford a trip out of the country.
. The Abortion Law Imposes a Cruel and Unusual Punishment
on Women by Forcing Them to Bear Children
Forcing a person to give up his citizenship and to leave the country has been called
a cruel and unusual punishment by the U.S. Supreme Court. We are arguing
that forcing a woman, who does not want a child, to carry a pregnancy to term
imposes on her the highest form of mental cruelty, as well as the physical hardship
of pregnancy and childbirth and the economic burden of supporting a child for
years. Obviously, women who want children do not see pregnancy and childbirth
as punishment. But for women who are forced to have children against their will,
the abortion law creates a devastating torture of body and mind and often turns a
woman’s life into hell.
. Connecticut’s Abortion Law Is Unconstitutionally Vague
A criminal law, like the abortion law, must be worded so that the people affected
by it know what is being forbidden. The words, “necessary to preserve the life of
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
the mother,” which are used in the state abortion law do not meet the standard,
because the terms “necessary,” “preserve” and “life” are ambiguous. They could
mean that an abortion is not permitted unless the woman will die in pregnancy
or childbirth or if she attempts suicide during her pregnancy; it could also mean
that a woman’s health will be injured in childbirth so that her life span will be
shortened; it could also mean that a woman’s quality of life will be changed for
the worse, if she has a child. If no one is clear about the meaning of the law, how
can it be enforced?
. Right to Freedom of Religion
The Connecticut abortion law is kept on the books by people who hold the reli-
gious belief that human life begins at the moment of conception and that abor-
tion means killing a person. They are imposing their religious views on all the
other people who do not think abortion is murder, and who have the constitu-
tional right to hold their beliefs without interference by state laws, such as the
abortion law.
. Right to Free Speech
People who want to help women get abortions can be prosecuted under the Con-
necticut abortion law. This violates their right to freedom of expression, to give
out information on how to do abortions, who will do abortions and where they
can be obtained.
. The State Has No Justification for Its Abortion Law
When the abortion law was passed in the nineteenth century, the State was wor-
ried about the health hazards of performing abortions. At that time, even the most
minor operation was dangerous. The State also showed an interest in protecting
the morals of women, and keeping them out of the hands of scurrilous men, who
would force them to risk their lives getting abortions. Times have changed—med-
ically, abortion under proper conditions is now a safe minor operation, and the law
intended to protect women now forces them to depend on racketeers and profi-
teers for dangerous illegal abortions.
. Women’s Rights
Two other arguments we have yet to develop are:
a) e abortion law violates the Nineteenth Amendment, which women
fought for to give them equal footing with men in the public sphere. As
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
long as women are forced to have and raise children, they are denied that
equal footing guaranteed by the Nineteenth Amendment.
b) e irteenth Amendment forbids involuntary servitude. We think
forced pregnancies are denitely a form of slavery against a woman’s will.
Legal information for plaintiffs—
Who can be plaintiffs:
. Any woman who is living in Connecticut and is of childbearing age and who
does not wish to bear a child at this time.
. Women medical workers, such as doctors or nurses, who have been or may be
asked to perform or help perform an abortion.
. Women, especially in a professional position of counselor, clergywoman,
social worker, or doctor, who have been asked or may be asked to advise or
refer persons about abortions.
Named plaintis will be representing all other persons in Connecticut in similar
situations. e decision that the Court makes about the validity of the abortion
statute will aect everyone in the state. e list of hundreds of named plaintis,
plus their personal participation in various public activities and the hearings could
have an important inuence on the outcome.
Responsibilities and opportunities of plaintiffs
In this type of lawsuit you will not face any kind of fines or sentence, or be
restricted from leaving the state.
Plaintis may have to answer written or oral questions about the subject mat-
ter or the suit. is is a formal procedure available to the defendants (who will be
the state’s attorneys representing Connecticut). To present such questions would
be costly and time-consuming for them and it seems unlikely that they will do so.
Attendance in court at the preliminary hearings and eventually at the trial will
not be compelled, but is strongly urged. A packed courtroom will be important
and it is your right to know what is happening.
A brief questionnaire will be given each plainti. Your answers will help
establish particular reasons needed to claim the right to be in court at all. is
material will only be for the use of your lawyers and their assistants and it will not
be turned into the court.
You will need to sign a statement authorizing your attorney to represent you.
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
Women under may be plaintis if one of their parents is willing to sign as
guardian. If not, we are hoping to make arrangements for one of the over plain-
tis to act as “guardian ad litem” (guardian for the purpose of this suit).
Reprinted by permission of Gail Falk.
Memorandum of Decision, Abele v. Markle I
(April , )
On March , , Women versus Connecticut led a complaint in federal court on
behalf of women. e lawsuit, captioned Abele v. Markle, alleged that “[t]he Con-
necticut abortion laws compel women of childbearing age, doctors, and other medical
personnel and those who counsel or assist women to procure an abortion, to forego their
constitutional rights to life, liberty and property, to eedom of speech and expression, to
privacy, against cruel and unusual punishments, against involuntary servitude and to
due process of law and equal protection of the laws.” e case challenged socioeconomic
inequality in access to abortion and emphasized the need for abortion in cases where
pregnancy endangers a woman’s health. But the value animating many of its claims on
the Constitution was women’s right to equal eedom with men. e lawsuit argued that
the state, through its abortion laws, “classif[ies]...women not as full and equal citizens
but as limited and inferior persons—persons denied the right to choose a life style or an
occupation other than one consistent with bearing all the children they conceive” and
that the abortion ban unconstitutionally “discriminate[s] against women by forcing a
woman to bear each child she conceives without imposing like burdens on the man for
the child whom he has helped create.” e lawsuit also claimed that Connecticut’s abor-
tion laws impermissibly ininged upon the rights of doctors and counselors, but these
claims were secondary to those concerning the indignity and injuries the abortion ban
inicted on women.
On April , , a federal court held Connecticut’s abortion laws unconstitu-
tional, with two judges supporting the decision and one dissenting. Each of the three
judges who heard the case wrote a separate opinion.
Judge Joseph Edward Lumbard (–), named to the federal appeals court in
New York by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in , based his decision clearly and
unequivocally on the constitutional arguments advanced by the women’s movement.
In Abele, Judge Lumbard responded to women’s testimony about the injuries and
indignities that laws criminalizing abortion imposed on them and recognized that
laws criminalizing abortion inicted constitutionally cognizable harms on women,
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
and not doctors only, as earlier judgments had found. He reasoned that constitutional
protection for women’s decision whether to abort a pregnancy was warranted because
of changing social views about women’s “status” and “roles.” He cited the Nineteenth
Amendment’s conferring on women the right to ote; Reed v. Reed, the rst equal
protection sex-discrimination decision; federal employment-discrimination law; and
the Equal Rights Amendment, which had just been sent to the states. In striking down
Connecticut’s th-century statute, he recognized that the nation’s understanding of
women had changed since the law was rst enacted, emphasizing that “society now
considers women the equal of men.” Women, therefore, “are the appropriate deci-
sionmakers about matters aecting their fundamental concerns.” e state’s interest
in protecting the fetus, he continued, is insucient to abridge a woman’s constitu-
tional right “to determine within an appropriate period aer conception whether or
not she wishes to bear a child.”
Judge Jon O. Newman, a Yale Law School graduate named to the federal district
court in Connecticut months earlier by President Richard M. Nixon, concurred but
based his decision on narrower grounds, emphasizing the uncertain legislative history
of the state’s abortion law. Judge Newman reasoned that in the th century, the legisla-
ture criminalized abortion either to protect pregnant women om dangerous surgery—
an interest made obsolete by improvements in medical technology—or to preserve a
woman’s morals; that is, to deter her om engaging in nonmarital, nonprocreative sex.
Neither rationale oered sucient reason to restrict women’s decisionmaking in the th
century. Judge Newman le open the question of whether the state could criminalize
abortion in order to protect the unborn, explaining that he saw no evidence that this
was the state’s purpose in passing its abortion law.
Judge T. Emmet Clarie (–), a former chairman of the Connecticut State
Liquor Commission named to the district court by President John F. Kennedy, was
the dissenter. He would have held that Connecticut’s abortion laws were not, in fact,
unconstitutional. Rather, any intrusion upon a woman’s privacy that they cause is justi-
ed by the state’s compelling interest in protecting the unborn. His opinion gives oice to
moement concerns about protecting human life and traditional family roles.
Although the Abele case has, until now, been largely forgotten, it was one of many
cases to address the abortion conict in the years preceding Roe. Abele presented several
of the most prominent legal arguments being made at the time that Roe was decided—
arguments emphasizing far-reaching changes in women’s legal status, in sexual mores,
and in medical science as reasons to reconsider the constitutionality of criminal laws
adopted a century earlier.
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
, .
In Connecticut, statutes prohibit all abortions, all attempts at abortion, and all
aid, advice and encouragement to bring about abortion, unless necessary to pre-
serve the life of the mother or the fetus....We think that by these statutes Con-
necticut trespasses unjustifiably on the personal privacy and liberty of its female
citizenry. Accordingly we hold the statutes unconstitutional in violation of the
Ninth Amendment and the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
e decision to carry and bear a child has extraordinary ramications for a
woman. Pregnancy entails profound physical changes. Childbirth presents some
danger to life and health. Bearing and raising a child demands dicult psycho-
logical and social adjustments. e working or student mother frequently must
curtail or end her employment or educational opportunities. e mother with an
unwanted child may nd that it overtaxes her and her family’s nancial or emo-
tional resources. e unmarried mother will suer the stigma of having an illegiti-
mate child. us, determining whether or not to bear a child is of fundamental
importance to a woman.
e Connecticut anti-abortion laws take from women the power to determine
whether or not to have a child once conception has occurred. In , when these
statutes were enacted in their present form, women had few rights. Since then,
however, their status in our society has changed dramatically. From being wholly
excluded from political matters, they have secured full access to the political arena.
From the home, they have moved into industry; now some million women
comprise forty percent of the work force. And as women’s roles have changed, so
have societal attitudes. e recently passed equal rights statute and the pending
equal rights amendment demonstrate that society now considers women the equal
of men.
e changed role of women in society and the changed attitudes toward them
reect the societal judgment that women can competently order their own lives
and that they are the appropriate decisionmakers about matters aecting their
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
fundamental concerns. us, surveying the public on the issue of abortion, the
Rockefeller Commission on Population and the American Future found that
fully of the American public favored abortion under some circumstances and
the Commission itself recommended that the “matter of abortion should be le
to the conscience of the individual concerned.” Similarly, the Supreme Court has
said, “If the right of privacy means anything, it is the right of the individual, mar-
ried or single, to be free from unwarranted governmental intrusion into matters so
fundamentally aecting a person as the decision whether to bear or beget a child.”
Eisenstadt v. Baird (); Griswold v. Connecticut ().
e state has argued that the statutes may be justied as attempts to balance
the rights of the fetus against the rights of the woman. While the Connecticut
courts have not so construed the statutes,
we accept this characterization as one
fairly drawn from the face of the statutes. Nevertheless we hold that the state’s
interest in striking this balance as it has is insucient to warrant removing from
the woman all decisionmaking power over whether to terminate a pregnancy.
e state interest in taking the determination not to have children from the
woman is, because of changing societal conditions, far less substantial than it
was at the time of the passage of the statutes. e Malthusian specter, only a dim
shadow in the past, has caused grave concern in recent years as the world’s popu-
lation has increased beyond all previous estimates. Unimpeachable studies have
indicated the importance of slowing or halting population growth. And with the
decline in mortality rates, high fertility is no longer necessary to societal survival.
Legislative and judicial responses to these considerations are evidenced by the fact
that within the last three years legislatures have passed liberalized abortion laws
and courts have struck down restrictive anti-abortion statutes similar to those
of Connecticut. In short, population growth must be restricted, not enhanced,
and thus the state interest in pronatalist statutes such as these is limited.
Moreover, these statutes restrict a woman’s choice in instances in which the
state interest is virtually nil. e statutes force a woman to carry to natural term
a pregnancy that is the result of rape or incest. Yet these acts are prohibited by the
The statutes, infrequently considered by the Connecticut courts, have been construed as advancing
two distinct legislative goals: inhibition of promiscuous sexual relationships by prohibiting escape
from unintentional pregnancy, and the protection of pregnant women from the dangers of nine-
teenth century surgery. However laudable a purpose the goal of reducing the frequency of promiscu-
ous sexual relationships may have been considered one hundred years ago, it does not amount to a
compelling interest today in the face of changed moral standards. Moreover, advances in medical
science since have made abortion in the early stages of pregnancy no more dangerous than
childbirth. Only a narrowly drawn statute prohibiting abortions endangering the life of the pregnant
woman would be justified in light of a legislative intent to protect the woman’s health.
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
state at least in part to avoid the ospring of such unions. Forcing a woman to
carry and bear a child resulting from such criminal violations of privacy cruelly
stigmatizes her in the eyes of society. Similarly, the statutes require a woman to
carry to natural term a fetus likely to be born a mental or physical cripple. But the
state has less interest in the birth of such a child than a woman has in terminating
such a pregnancy. For the state to deny therapeutic abortion in these cases is an
overreaching of the police power.
Balancing the interests, we nd that the fundamental nature of the decision
to have an abortion and its importance to the woman involved are unquestioned,
that in a changing society women have been recognized as the appropriate deci-
sionmakers over matters regarding their fundamental concerns, that because of
the population crisis the state interest in these statutes is less than when they were
passed and that, because of their great breadth, the statutes intrude into areas in
which the state has little interest. We conclude that the state’s interests are insu-
cient to take from the woman the decision aer conception whether she will bear a
child and that she, as the appropriate decisionmaker, must be free to choose. What
was considered to be due process with respect to permissible abortion in is
not due process in .
e essential requirement of due process is that the woman be given the power
to determine within an appropriate period aer conception whether or not she
wishes to bear a child. Of course, nothing prohibits the state from promulgating
reasonable health and safety regulations surrounding abortion procedures.
In holding the statutes unconstitutional, we grant only declaratory relief to
this eect as there is no reason to believe that the state will not obey our mandate.
,
( )
I fully agree with Judge Lumbard’s conclusion that the plaintiffs are entitled to a
judgment declaring the Connecticut abortion statutes unconstitutional, but my
reasons for reaching that conclusion cover somewhat less ground. Moreover, hav-
ing found the statutes unconstitutional, I would grant plaintiff Doe injunctive
relief.
...[T]he question to be faced is whether the state interests being advanced in
are today sucient to justify the invasion of the mother’s liberty. I agree with
Judge Lumbard that protecting the mother’s health, which plainly was a state
interest in and may well have provided a valid state interest for these stat-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
utes when enacted, will not furnish a subordinating state interest today, when the
mother’s life is exposed to less risk by abortion than by childbirth.
e second justication advanced by the state, protecting the mother’s mor-
als, may well have been an objective in . is justication apparently proceeds
from the premise that if abortion is prohibited, the threat of having to bear a
child will deter a woman from sexual intercourse. Protecting the morals of the
mother thus turns out to mean deterring her from having sexual relations. But
the Supreme Court has decided that such a purpose cannot validate invasion of
a woman’s right to privacy in matters of family and sex. Griswold v. Connecticut
(); Eisenstadt v. Baird ().
at leaves the state’s third justication, protecting the life of the unborn
child. Judge Lumbard is willing to assume this was a purpose of the legisla-
ture and nds it constitutionally insucient. Judge Clarie concludes it was in fact
a purpose of the legislature and nds it constitutionally sucient. With def-
erence, I am persuaded that protecting the life of the unborn child was most likely
not a purpose of the legislature. At a minimum it has not been shown with
sucient certainty that this was the legislature’s purpose as to warrant a weighing
of this purpose against the mother’s constitutionally protected rights. Whether
a fetus is to be considered the sort of “life” entitled to the legal safeguards nor-
mally available to a person aer birth is undeniably a matter of deep religious and
philosophical dispute. If the Connecticut legislature had made a judgment on this
issue and had enacted laws to accord such protection to the unborn child, the
constitutionality of such laws would pose a legal question of extreme diculty,
since the legislative judgment on this subject would be entitled to careful con-
sideration. Compare with Byrn v. New York City Health & Hospitals Corpora-
tion (N.Y. ).... Since that legislative determination has not been shown to have
been made, I think it is inappropriate to decide the constitutional issue that would
be posed if such a legislative justication was before us.
Because I believe the only interests which the legislature was seeking to
advance are not today sucient to justify invasion of the plainti’s constitution-
ally protected rights, I join with Judge Lumbard in holding these statutes uncon-
stitutional.
....
, ():
I respectfully disagree and accordingly dissent from the majority opinion. This
Court’s bold assumption of judicial-legislative power to strike down a time-tested
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
Connecticut Statute constitutes an unwarranted federal judicial intrusion into the
legislative sphere. The state legislature long ago made a basic choice between two
conflicting human values. It chose to uphold the right of the human fetus to life
over a woman’s right to privacy and self-determination in sexual and family mat-
ters. The legislature has repeatedly refused to alter this decision to the present date.
e majority has reached out and grasped at the nebulous supposition that the
protection of fetal life is not the purpose of the Connecticut anti-abortion laws.
is assumption is unwarranted. e history of these statutes indicates that they
were designed to protect fetal life.
....
, the Connecticut statutes concerned only abortions performed
upon a woman “quick with child.” is indicates a legislative determination that
human “life” began at that point. e statute of amended that law to forbid
abortion at any stage of fetal development. is amendment reected a legislative
judgment that fetal life at any stage merited the protection of the law. If the pri-
mary purpose of the anti-abortion laws was to protect the woman from the dan-
gers of th century surgical techniques, as the majority suggests, it is impossible
to understand why the original law prohibited abortions only aer quickening.
Certainly, the risk of infection caused by unsterilized instruments was as great
before the fetus had quickened.
....
, which is relied upon by the majority, decided that the
state could not, consistent with the zone of privacy emanating from the Bill of
Rights, completely prohibit the use of contraceptives. e Court ruled that pro-
hibiting contraceptives served no compelling state purpose. However, this deci-
sion is not applicable to the facts of the present case. It is one thing to prevent the
impregnation of the ovum by the spermatozoa, and quite another to deliberately
destroy newly formed human life. Dierent values are invoked. While the marital
privacy referred to in Griswold limits itself to the personal conjugal relationship
of only two people, abortion projects itself far beyond the bounds of personal inti-
macy. It is directed against an innocent victim, a third human being endowed
with unique genetic characteristics....
e majority cite as an extreme illustration that the Connecticut law pro-
scribes abortions, even in situations where the pregnancy is the result of incest
or rape, or where there is a likelihood that the child will be born with a serious
mental or physical defect. While it is conceded that such pregnancies and births
are oen fraught with personal hardship, the proper forum in which to present
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
and test such concerns is the legislature....
e people, acting through their legislature, have in eect decreed that this
new life is an innocent victim, not an unjust aggressor.
....
, failure of the successive attempts to repeal or lib-
eralize the anti-abortion laws can be attributed realistically, only to a legislative
determination to protect fetal life. As recently as December , , the Legisla-
tive Council recommended to the legislature that no legislative action should be
taken on the proposal to liberalize our present laws on abortion. At page in this
report, it stated:
The Council feels that should an unborn child become a thing rather than
a person in the minds of people, in any stage of its development, the dignity
of human life is in jeopardy. The family, too, which is the very basis of our
society, would be minimized or perhaps destroyed.
e aforesaid conclusion by the legislative leaders leaves no room to question,
but that their real concern was the protection of fetal life.
....
that the majority decision leaves the State of Connecti-
cut with no law or control in this area of human relationships. It invites unlim-
ited foeticide (the murder of unborn human beings), as a way of life, in a state
long known as the land of steady habits. e Connecticut legislature has histori-
cally, consistently, and armatively expressed its determination to safeguard and
respect human life. e action of the majority constitutes an unwarranted federal
judicial intrusion into the legislative sphere of state government. e judiciary was
never intended nor designed to perform such a function. I would uphold the con-
stitutionality of the challenged state statutes and deny relief.
Excerpted from Abele v. Markle, F. Supp. , United States District Court for the Dis-
trict of Connecticut ().
Connecticut Legislative Hearing Testimony
Soon aer the court declared Connecticut’s abortion laws unconstitutional—and just
one day before Governor Rockefeller vetoed the New York legislature’s attempt to repeal
the state’s liberal abortion statute—Connecticut’s governor omas Meskill called
for the legislature to enact a new law. e new abortion bill, introduced in a special ses-
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
sion of the assembly, closely resembled the law the court had invalidated, but authorized
even more severe punishment for its violation. In response to Judge Newman’s opinion,
the bill featured a new preamble, which stated that the legislative intent in passing the
bill “is to protect and preserve human life om the moment of conception.”
Citizens om all over the state spoke out at a hearing on the bill that would recrimi-
nalize abortion in Connecticut. As the historian Amy Kesselman observes, “e atmo-
sphere at the hearing held by the Joint Committee on Public Health and Safety on May
, , was light-years away om the hearings held three years earlier on the reform
bill sponsored by the Connecticut Medical Society.... e rhetoric had...changed on both
sides.” Doctors spoke less of “their own professional prerogatives” and more about the
needs and rights of women patients, and a number of the speakers opposing abortion—
including the representative of the Family Life Bureau of the Diocese of Bridgeport—“ felt
it necessary to declare their respect for women’s rights before speaking against abortion.”
[Connecticut State Representative Dr. Morris] Cohen:
...[D]o you think it wise for us legislators to pass a law which is clearly unpopu-
lar in the State? To pass legislation which the public apparently do not want and
wouldn’t we be putting ourselves in the same position, if we did, that happened
in the s when we passed the Volstead Act which was so unpopular (that was
the Prohibition Law) that was before your time—which was so unpopular that it
had to be repealed, and it was impossible to enforce it and, at the same time, we
are facing the same situation in the State today, I believe, that we are not enforcing
the law as we had it because there are clinics in the State that are performing abor-
tions and people can get abortions and many hospitals in the State are performing
abortions on their—what they call a D&C—and since many of our people go to
New York to get abortions, is it wise for us as legislators to pass legislation which
might go down the drain and become unpopular...?
Representative Francis J. Collins:
If I can reply to those series of questions, Doctor, I don’t agree to your analogy of
the Volstead Act. I do think that we have an obligation as members of this body
representing the public at large to enact things whether they be popular or unpop-
ular. I don’t agree with your conclusions that this is a very unpopular cause by any
means. I think that it is a matter of opinion. Certainly, my mail, the comments
that I get from my constituency does not concur with yours.... In any event, I do
think this is a matter that the State must act on, particularly in view of the fact
that at the present time, since the Federal court has ruled that the present law we
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
have is unconstitutional, we now have no law. I think that that is wrong. I think
we should have a law. I think the law when it’s on the books, I concur with you in
that respect, the law should be enforced.
Attorney Catherine Roraback:
...I would like to note for the record that I am, in fact, the first female speaker on
this issue and I am also a little aware of the fact that the Committee sitting up
there on the podium and so forth, the women members seem to be relegated to
the lower row.
I was invited here to speak today as one of the attorneys [for the Women ver-
sus Connecticut case, see Abele v. Markle (Conn. ), discussed in Part II.B]....
However, today I wish to speak not as a lawyer, but as a woman and I wish speak
on behalf of my clients and I am going to read at this time, as that testimony, a
statement prepared being led on behalf of all the lawyers in that suit....
We are here to speak as women on behalf of the , women in Connecticut
who join together to strike down the ban on abortion in this State. We want to
present to you a few facts of life—facts of life for women. ese are facts we feel
are important for you to remember if you are to clearly understand the feelings
of women concerning abortions. In the rst place, you should know that the risk
of death in childbirth is far greater than that arising from a medical abortion.
Indeed, abortion in the rst trimester of pregnancy is almost seven times safer
than carrying the pregnancy to term, but even where this is not involved the con-
sequences for the woman of carrying the pregnancy to term and delivering a child
may have serious medical implications for her. In any other circumstance, a doctor
would be free and indeed would be called upon by his professional obligation to
provide appropriate medical service. Here, however, the doctor is prohibited to
providing the care called for because of the criminal statutes.... Even if the woman
does not have medical indications calling for an abortion, yet the alternative of
enforced child-bearing has huge implications for her. Probably nothing but death
itself can aect a woman’s life more seriously than enforce bearing of children and
enforced responsibility for them perhaps for the remainder of her and their lives.
e birth of a child is the beginning of a responsibility which aects every aspect
of this woman’s life and does so for her lifetime. Even before childbirth, she will
probably lose her employment, at least temporarily, and during that lay-o she is
not entitled to receive unemployment compensation benets. Indeed, in this State
she is ineligible for such benets for a period of two months before childbirth and
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
for two months aer. Aerwards, the woman that has given birth to a child will
nd her employment opportunities severely limited. Given the primary responsi-
bility of home care of the child, the woman has less mobility, sometimes has to be
away from the job and oen is only able to give secondary attention to her job. e
employer sees her as a less desirable employee. is has ramications for the whole
family. Family income and living standards may well be aected. e woman who
has previously had children and returns to the job market is unable to continue so
during a current pregnancy—thus the whole family suers.
....
for the whole family. Furthermore, if the woman
was a student at the time of the pregnancy, she will probably be forced to drop out
of school or be greatly restricted in her school activities and education if she comes
to term. is may be required by school regulations. It may be necessary for only
physical reasons; on the other hand, she may have to do so in order to care for the
child. e interruption of her education and training, for whatever reason and
whatever level, places her and her family at a permanent disadvantage because her
capacities will never be fully trained or utilized. Perhaps more important are the
psychiatric and the emotional ramications for the woman, the child and the fam-
ily if she has to carry the unwanted pregnancy to term. e economic factor alone
can create psychological and emotional stress for the woman and the family, a
stress which ultimately aects the unwanted child born into such a situation. Yet,
it is not only the economic factor that is relevant.... Children who are unwanted
suer from emotional starvation, oen exhibit delayed physical and mental devel-
opment; they cannot do as well in school, have greater need for psychiatric care,
have a higher incidence of juvenile delinquency and child welfare referrals, and
later in life need greater public assistance. A Connecticut woman faced with an
unwanted pregnancy and desiring an abortion can, of course, go to New York.
To do so, though, she makes arrangements at home for her family, pays for her
travel, and pays for the operation and for accommodations away from home. If
she chooses another jurisdiction where psychiatric evaluation [and] opinion...are
a prerequisite to abortion, even greater expense is involved. uite apart from the
money involved you should think of the woman’s emotional and physical stress
having to be away from home during such a procedure.
.... [Request from State Senator to summarize her point]
It’s the rst time the women’s point of view has been presented to this Hearing.
It’s the rst time these very important factors, which are involved in her choices,
are being presented in a sort of testimony that I understood that you and the Com-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
mittee were looking for. e types of considerations we think you should consider.
....
...For centuries, women who have needed abortions have gotten them; they
will continue to do so. e real question is who will perform them and how they
will be done—by a trained doctor in a clean medical facility or by a dirty old
man—in a back room. When women are forced by circumstances to seek abor-
tions, they should be able to have them in dignity and safety. We call upon the
State of Connecticut and this Committee to assure to women that right.
Mrs. Richard Albright:
Mr. Chairman, I have over , signatures from New London and Norwich area
against abortion ready to be delivered to you now.
....
and Ladies and Gentlemen, my name, as I have
stated, is Mrs. Richard Albright. My religion is a Mormon and I am the wife of a
Mormon bishop. I have kept myself pretty much up-to-date on the pros and cons
of legalizing abortion. One major issue which is constantly brought up by those
who would have legalized abortion is that women should have complete control
over their bodies and the nal say as to whether or not they should carry life. is
I completely agree with; however, a baby’s body belongs to him and it is a separate
body from that of the mother. If you think you should be able to control your own
bodies, why would you get pregnant in the rst place. ere the control of your
body goes out the window. e simple fact is if you have relations with a member
of the opposite sex of your own free will and become pregnant as a result, then this
is the risk you took with your eyes wide open to the fact of what could happen. If
you know this and realize that you want it this way, why should the result of your
act be up to someone else to take away? e logic behind this whole issue if you
don’t want a pregnancy, don’t do anything to get pregnant. What is being said is
that I want my fun and my pleasure but if I get caught, I refuse the responsibilities
of my action. I suppose responsibility for one’s actions is becoming a thing of the
past. Someday the problem of overpopulating our homes for the aged will become
so acute that our liberals will again get up on the bandwagon and because they
can’t solve the problem, they will legalize the inhumane murder of our elderly at a
certain age. Don’t think it couldn’t happen; a few years ago no one worth her salt
could have considered killing her unborn baby. Yet, here it is.
Down through the ages women have been getting pregnant out of wedlock.
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
ey have survived without an abortion. ey accepted their responsibility and
saw it through to completion. Namely, putting their babies out for adoption or
keeping them if they had the means to do so.
Now, rst of all, what is wrong with adoption? If you can be so cold as to jus-
tify in your mind the killing of your baby, some at even six months of pregnancy,
why couldn’t you go the rest of the way in your pregnancy and give your baby
the chance for life, to a family who would love it and above all want it? So many
couples today are going through life childless because of some medical reason
and cannot adopt because babies just are not available. Aer being told by several
adoption agencies that it would be impossible to adopt and aer the strong advice
of several doctors not to try to have another child because of my poor health,...we
prayed about it and decided to try again. When I did become pregnant, my doc-
tors oered me a very legal abortion at Yale-New Haven Hospital and each time
now that I feel my baby moving inside of me I thank God for entrusting this little
one to me, to love and for just the privilege of bringing life into this world. It is a
blessing He gave to each and every woman whether they believe it or not—it’s a
gi. It is such a shame to know that some of His female children would take this
gi and slap Him in the face with it and feel it a curse. It is a disgrace that some
women have to protect themselves from other women. Surely with all the contra-
ceptive advice made available to us, a married couple that really feels that aer
praying about it that they shouldn’t have another pregnancy because of health or
nances, should seek out these devices. Finally, the opposition would tell us that
legalizing abortion would just be for the ones who wanted it and it would still be
their free choice. I say in answer to this if a young girl becomes pregnant out of
wedlock her rst thought is sheer panic. What should she do? Should she seek out
an abortion or go through her pregnancy and put her baby out for adoption. If
abortion is made legal, then in all probability she will if she is weak take the easy
way out, but if she has to struggle to get an abortion she may go the other way and
take the responsibility of her action.... Every time I look at our little adopted child
which we have, I thank God over and over for her and her biological mother that
thought enough of God and her priceless womanhood to go through with her
pregnancy and I thank her also for giving us a beautiful baby made in His own
image to raise with our two natural children and to love so deeply. ank you.
....
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Mrs. Thomas Licciardello:
Ladies and gentlemen. My name is Trudy Licciardello, Mrs. Thomas Licciardello
from Trumbull. I am a housewife, a practicing Episcopalian and since April, ,
President of the Greater Bridgeport Planned Parenthood. I would like to speak
against Governor Meskill’s proposed anti-abortion bill.
I personally have been very fortunate, having had four pregnancies, each of
which resulted in a normal baby aer an uneventful course. I did not have heart
failure of the sort which forbids carrying a baby to term, and I never caught Ger-
man measles or one of the other viral infections which deforms a fetus. Luckily
aer each of my deliveries, I recovered without the nightmare of postpartum psy-
chosis which strikes many women, the sort of homicidal or suicidal destructiveness
which, if lived through, precludes against repeating the process of childbearing.
My family life is such that I have never been forced to become pregnant, as some
women literally are, against my will; and my chosen method of birth control has
proven eective.
However, I know these fortunate conditions are not the result of my own vir-
tue, and that the opposite could easily have been the case, so that instead of having
four children I might have had to have three children and an abortion, or two
children and an abortion. No woman wants to need an abortion. She nds herself
forced to because of the conditions of her life. All women want wholesomeness,
and if married, husbands who’ll support them and stay with them and if children,
then children who are intact and pure and well fed. I suggest that a lawmaker who
votes for the Meskill proposal is not championing a defenseless fetus, so much
as tormenting an already distressed woman. Do not deceive yourselves that the
object of Governor Meskill’s law would be some fantasied wayward hussy in need
of punishment. She is more likely to be a law-abiding circumspect woman, mar-
ried, but sick in body or in mind. Certainly she will be poor, for those who can
aord to do so will travel to some other place to have their operations. She’ll prob-
ably be someone with a husband and children at home who need her back in good
health and good spirits. Do not be glib and fancy yourselves more loving than
the woman who must have an abortion. e legislator who supports Governor
Meskill’s proposal indulges himself in a deliberate act of tight-lipped cruelty. He
would be harsh and presumptuous and this is a time which calls for self-discipline
on his part, and an understanding of some of the tragedies of other people’s lives.
....
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
Frances Harwood:
I am Frances Harwood, Assistant Professor of Anthropology. I live in Middle-
town, Connecticut. I would like to say that a number of speakers today have
stressed the control by women over their own bodies. I would be for this entirely.
However, it is often out of our hands. I was assaulted and raped six years ago. I
was impregnated at that time. I then had to make a decision. I did not want the
child. I did not think I could care for it and so I went and obtained an abortion.
I had five hundred dollars in my savings, luckily. For those who don’t, things can
get and be much worse. You go, you put the cash on the barrelhead and it is then
done, often without any anesthesia. In my case, the abortionist insisted on further
intercourse. This is not something that women should be subjected to. I ask you
therefore if this legislation cannot be written in such a way as to make sure that
these individuals do not practice abortion without a license. How many abortion-
ists, illegal abortionists have been arrested under the old law which was recently
declared unconstitutional? Does anyone on the committee have a notion of that
in numbers?
....
...It is really important that these people be put out of business. I don’t think
that the bill will suppress abortion. I think abortions will go underground
and the risk of danger is much greater. I urge you, therefore, to support liberalized
abortion where those who require or would like an abortion can have it done in a
therapeutic and supportive setting. ank you.
Excerpted from transcript of Joint Standing Committee on Public Health and Safety,
Connecticut Legislature, Hearing on Abortion, May , .
Memorandum of Decision, Abele v. Markle II
(September , )
Responding to the energetic advocacy of Governor Meskill, the Connecticut Citizens
Right to Life Committee, and the Connecticut Catholic Conference, state legislators re-
enacted the state’s criminal abortion statute, raising maximum penalties om two to
ve years and resisting eorts to include an exception for rape. “ere’s no question what
I would have had to contend with if I had oted against the abortion bill,” said House
Majority Leader Carl R. Ajello at the time. Ajello continued, “ere are ve Catholic
churches in my area, and they told their worshipers in no uncertain terms what my
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
position should be. I never received so many postcards, letters, petitions and phone calls.”
Amy Kesselman quotes another legislator as reporting that “[t]he impetus for the bill
as it was draed...came directly om the Hartford archdiocese. ey didn’t want any
loopholes, and there weren’t any.” Another, who switched his ote to support the bill,
confessed that “the governor hands out all the goodies, and when he really wants to put
the pressure on, it works.”
On September , , the same panel of judges who had declared Connecticut’s
abortion laws unconstitutional just a few months earlier did so again. Judge Newman,
this time writing for the majority, held that women have a constitutional right of pri-
vacy that is ininged when the state criminalizes all abortion. However, this right,
he explained, is not unlimited. Rather, the right may be balanced against the state’s
legitimate interest in protecting fetal life. Newman’s opinion, excerpted here, begins to
outline a amework for balancing these interests that hinges on viability—the ability of
the fetus to survive outside of the uterus. is is the amework that Justice Blackmun
developed in Roe.
Newman, District Judge
The issue in this case is the constitutionality of Connecticut’s recently enacted
law prohibiting all abortions except those necessary to save the physical life of the
mother.
....
e substantive provisions of the legislation prohibiting abortions are
quite similar to the statutes. However, the exception which had permit-
ted an abortion when necessary to preserve the life of the woman or that of the
unborn child has been limited in the new statute to an abortion “necessary to
preserve the physical life of the mother.” e maximum penalties which had been
two years for the woman, ve years for performing an abortion, and one year for
encouraging an abortion have all been set at ve years. More signicantly, while
the former statutes made no explicit reference to the state interest they were pur-
porting to advance, the rst section of the legislation reads as follows: “e
public policy of the state and the intent of the legislature is to protect and preserve
human life from the moment of conception....”
us the Connecticut General Assembly has expressed its judgment, in the
text of the challenged statute, that the life of a fetus should be protected. at
specication of legislative purpose raises the constitutional question of whether
the state has power to advance such a purpose by abridging almost totally the con-
stitutionally protected right of a woman to privacy and personal choice in matters
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
of sex and family life.
e existence of a woman’s constitutional right to such privacy has been set
forth by the Supreme Court. Eisenstadt v. Baird (); Griswold v. Connecticut
(). Indeed, Baird may have anticipated the outcome of cases such as this when
the Court observed:
If the right of privacy means anything, it is the right of the individual, mar-
ried or single, to be free from unwarranted governmental intrusion into
matters so fundamentally affecting a person as the decision whether to bear
or beget a child.
....
But there are two distinguishing aspects of this case that require consider-
ation before the state interest can be weighed against the woman’s right. e rst
concerns the nature of the rights possessed by the fetus for whose benet the state
interest is asserted. e second concerns the nature of the state interest being
asserted.
A. e initial inquiry is whether the fetus is a person, within the meaning of the
fourteenth amendment, having a constitutionally protected right to life. If it is,
then a legislature may well have some discretion to protect that right even at the
expense of someone else’s constitutional right. But if the fetus lacks constitutional
rights, the question then becomes whether a legislature may accord a purely statu-
tory right at the expense of another person’s constitutional right.
Our conclusion, based on the text and history of the Constitution and on
cases interpreting it, is that a fetus is not a person within the meaning of the four-
teenth amendment. ere is nothing in the history of that amendment nor in its
interpretation by the Supreme Court to give any support whatever to the con-
tention that a fetus has constitutional rights. No decision has come to our atten-
tion holding that a fetus has fourteenth amendment rights. e issue was squarely
faced by at least two of the courts that have sustained the constitutionality of
state laws permitting abortions: Byrn v. New York City Health & Hospitals Corp.
(N.Y. ) and McGarvey v. Magee-Woman’s Hospital (W.D.Pa. ). Byrn and
McGarvey reject the claim that a fetus has fourteenth amendment rights. Indeed,
it is dicult to imagine how a statute permitting abortion could be constitutional
if the fetus had fourteenth amendment rights....
If the fetus survives the period of gestation, it will be born and then become
a person entitled to the legal protections of the Constitution. But its capacity to
become such a person does not mean that during gestation it is such a person.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
e unfertilized ovum also has the capacity to become a living human being, but
the Constitution does not endow it with rights which the state may protect by
interfering with the individual’s choice of whether the ovum will be fertilized.
Griswold.
Of course, the fact that a fetus is not a person entitled to fourteenth amend-
ment rights does not mean that government may not confer rights upon it. A wide
range of rights has been accorded by statutes and court decisions....
It is one thing to permit a legislature some discretion in adjusting conict-
ing rights between groups of people, each of whom has a claim to constitutional
protection. It is altogether dierent to suggest that a legislature can accord a statu-
tory right to a fetus which lacks constitutional rights when doing so requires the
abridgement of a woman’s own constitutional right. No doubt a right to be born
is of greater signicance than the right to receive compensation for tortious injury
or other pecuniary or property rights. But it is doubtful whether the constitu-
tional right of the mother can be totally abridged by a legislative eort to confer
even a signicant statutory right upon a fetus which does not have any fourteenth
amendment rights.
....
to protect the lives of all fetuses which could survive
outside the uterus, such a statute would be a legislative acceptance of the con-
cept of viability. While authorities may dier on the precise time, there is no
doubt that at some point during pregnancy a fetus is capable, with proper medi-
cal attention, of surviving outside the uterus. And it is equally clear that there is
a minimum point before which survival outside the uterus is not possible. A stat-
ute designed to prevent the destruction of fetuses aer viability has been reached
would be subject to these considerations. Like the present statute, it would be
conferring statutory rights on a fetus which does not have constitutional rights.
However, the state interest in protecting the life of a fetus capable of living out-
side the uterus could be shown to be more generally accepted and, therefore,
of more weight in the constitutional sense than the interest in preventing the
abortion of a fetus that is not viable. e issue might well turn on whether the
time period selected could be shown to permit survival of the fetus in a generally
accepted sense, rather than for the brief span of hours and under the abnormal
conditions illustrated by some of the state’s evidence. As to the latter situations,
the nature of the state interest might well not be generally accepted. Finally, and
most important, such a statute would not be a direct abridgement of the woman’s
constitutional right, but at most a limitation on the time when her right could
LITIGATION: CONNECTICUT
be exercised. e present statute, however, does not present any of the consider-
ations favorable to the state that might be found in either type of statute of more
limited scope.
For these reasons, we hold, as have most courts that have considered simi-
lar statutes, that plaintis are entitled to a judgment declaring Public Act No.
unconstitutional.
....
Clarie, District Judge (dissenting):
My earlier dissenting opinion in Abele v. Markle (D. Conn. ) concluded that
the Legislature, not the Judiciary, was designed by our founding fathers to reflect
the standards of human decency which must be weighed in any choice between
the competing moral values which are to guide governmental policy. By reenact-
ing legislation which declared the paramountcy of the human fetus’ right to life
over a woman’s right to privacy, except where it could be demonstrated that the
mother’s life would be jeopardized, the Connecticut Legislature reaffirmed that
basic choice.
....
“ legislatures, not courts, are constituted to respond
to the will and consequently the moral values of the people” .... “We should not
allow our personal preferences as to the wisdom of legislative and congressional
action...to guide our judicial decision.” at the majority has taken unto itself
the legislative task of measuring degrees of public acceptance is evident in its
pronouncement that “the state interest in protecting the life of a fetus capable
of living outside the uterus could be shown to be more generally accepted and,
therefore, of more weight....”
e constitutional structure of our democracy demands judicial restraint
where the choice of human values embodied by a legislative act does not unwar-
rantedly invade constitutionally protected rights. e Connecticut Legislature
has weighed these factual considerations on society’s scale of standards of decency.
e Legislature was undoubtedly aware that biologists, fetologists, and medi-
cal science commonly accept conception as the beginning of human life and the
formation of an individual endowed with its own unique genetic pattern.
....
Similarly available to the Connecticut Legislature were the abortion experi-
ence statistics of New York City under that State’s statute which allowed abortion
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
upon request. During the twelve-month period from July , , through June ,
, in that one city alone, there were ocially recorded , induced abor-
tions; and for the six-month period from July , , through December , ,
there were ,. If these latter statistics were to be projected on a national popu-
lation scale, the total number would amount to several million induced deaths of
innocent victims annually. It is a legislative choice of societal values, which must
decide a public policy of such magnitude, for that choice of values could either
demean human life or ennoble mankind’s destiny.
All of these considerations were undoubtedly pondered by the Legislature
before the determination was made that human life should not be compromised
in the name of personal comfort or convenience. It is nothing less than judicial
usurpation of a legislative prerogative to decide that at one point in fetal develop-
ment, through an obscure process of legal metamorphosis (in this case, the degree
and quality of “public acceptance”) the state may constitutionally protect fetal life,
but that prior to such point in time, the state may not protect what it also regards,
with substantial popular and medical justication, as human life.
It is for these reasons, and for those expressed in my earlier opinion in Abele v.
Markle, supra, that I respectfully dissent.
Excerpted from Abele v. Markle, F. Supp. , United States District Court for the Dis-
trict of Connecticut ().
CROSSCURRENTS IN
THE NATIONAL ARENA,
The abortion conflict had spread across the nation. When Judge Lumbard struck
down Connecticut’s th-century statute in April , he observed that “within
the last three years legislatures have passed liberalized abortion laws and
courts have struck down restrictive anti-abortion statutes similar to those of Con-
necticut.” As the pace of change accelerated, conflict escalated and assumed con-
stitutional form. Advocates for repeal and their opponents both argued from first
principles and expressed these arguments about the just polity as claims on the
Constitution. Those who supported change began to assert the right to be free
of legal coercion in decisions concerning child bearing—and went to court when
they were unable to move the legislature to respond. They inspired their oppo-
nents to respond similarly. And with the aid of the Catholic Church, those who
opposed change were increasingly able to draw voters into the political arena on a
single-issue basis to block abortion’s liberalization.
In what follows, we trace these developments in constitutional politics as they
reverberated in the national arena in —a year that saw Congress send the
Equal Rights Amendment to the states for ratication and Richard Nixon defeat
George McGovern in the campaign for president. In the rst several excerpts, we
follow discussion of abortion in a sex discrimination-equal protection case that
Ruth Bader Ginsburg took to the Supreme Court; in the recommendation of the
Rockefeller Commission report on population control; and in polls conducted by
Gallup. ese selections reect the increasing association of abortion rights with
the equal citizenship claims of the women’s movement, and increasing support for
the liberalization of abortion laws, with majorities supporting decriminalization
even among Catholics and Republicans.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
We then consider President Nixon’s repudiation of the Rockefeller Commis-
sion’s recommendation that states liberalize their abortion laws—and situate his
shiing position on abortion in the context of the presidential campaign.
As we shall see, strategists for the Republican Party had identied Catholics as a
group that might be persuaded to shi its party allegiance and by , had begun
to focus on abortion as an issue that might serve this end. As importantly, wider
social conict had begun to reshape abortion’s meaning. By , opponents of
the Equal Rights Amendment and of McGovern’s bid for the presidency began to
frame abortion as a symbol of women’s liberation and of a new morality that they
encouraged Americans, of all faiths, to oppose.
Plaintiff’s Brief, Struck v. Secretary of Defense
(December , )
Abortion policy in the military provides a window on shiing attitudes in the grow-
ing national conict. In , the Department of Defense had quietly adopted a policy
permitting military hospitals to perform therapeutic abortions, regardless of the law of
the state in which the hospital was located. But less than a year aer the directive had
been promulgated, President Nixon revoked the policy, using the occasion to declare
for the rst time his stance on abortion. “Historically,” he explained, “laws regulating
abortion in the United States have been the province of States, not the Federal Govern-
ment.... at is where the decisions should be made.” As states made these decisions, he
continued, Americans had “a right to know [his] personal views.” Based on his “per-
sonal and religious beliefs,” he considered “abortion an unacceptable form of population
control.” Further, “unrestricted abortion policies, or abortion on demand” could not be
“square[d] with [his] personal belief in the sanctity of human life.”
But there was yet another abortion policy governing the small, but growing, num-
ber of women who served in the military. An air force regulation provided that: “A
woman ocer shall be discharged om the service with the least practical delay when
a determination is made by a medical ocer that she is pregnant” or “has given birth
to a living child,” unless the “pregnancy is terminated.” In other words, military policy
required female air force ocers who became pregnant to abort the pregnancy or lose
their jobs.
Captain Susan R. Struck, a career ocer in the air force, became pregnant while
serving in Vietnam. Captain Struck was subject to immediate discharge. Although legal
abortion was available to her, as a Catholic, she decided she had no choice but to have
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
the baby, which she gave up for adoption nine days aer birth. Subject to discharge, she
went to court. Represented by the American Civil Liberties Union, Struck obtained a
stay of the discharge but lost on the merits in both the United States District Court in
Seattle and in the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. e United
States Supreme Court agreed to hear her appeal.
But before the case was argued, the air force amended the regulation to permit
goernment ocials to waive enforcement of the policy—perhaps out of concern about
the adverse publicity that enforcing the policy might generate. In November , the
military decided to waive the policy in Struck’s case, and the Court dismissed the appeal
as moot.
Ruth Bader Ginsburg, cofounder of the ACLU’s Women’s Rights Project, had al-
ready led a -page Supreme Court brief on Captain Struck’s behalf, arguing that the
regulation violated the rights of military women to equal protection, due process, pri-
vacy, and—in the case of women with religious-based opposition to abortion—the ee
exercise of religion. e brief in Struck v. Secretary of Defense was one of Ginsburg’s
earliest equal protection briefs, led in , the same year that Congress sent the Equal
Rights Amendment to the states for ratication. Ginsburg’s brief linked women’s right
to equal protection of the laws to their right to privacy in decisions concerning family
life. It sought for women the same opportunity as men to combine work and family,
and argued that women’s decisions whether or not to bear children should be ee om
goernment coercion. It is this principle of noncoercion that links equal protection and
privacy arguments in Struck—and links the claim for abortion rights to the claim to
eedom om coerced abortion and sterilization.
III. The sex-based classification in the Air Force regulation applied to peti-
tioner, directing discharge for pregnancy, a physical condition unique to the
female sex, while no other temporary physical condition occasions peremp-
tory discharge, is inconsistent with the equal protection principle inherent in
the due process clause of the fifth amendment.
....
B. ...[T]he court below should have subjected the involuntary discharge for preg-
nancy regulation to close scrutiny, identifying sex as a “suspect” criterion for gov-
ernmental distinctions.
In very recent years, a new appreciation of women’s place has been generated
in the United States. Activated by feminists of both sexes, legislatures and courts
have begun to recognize and respond to the subordinate position of women in
our society and the second-class status our institutions historically have imposed
upon them. e heightened national awareness that equal opportunity for men
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
and women is a matter of simple justice has led to signicant reform, most notably
on the federal level....
....
of the female labor force, gainful employment is dic-
tated by economic necessity.... Discharge for pregnancy, attended by termination
of income and fringe benets, and denial of the right to return aer childbirth,
disables these women far more than their temporary physical condition.
For the more fortunate woman, for whom work is not dictated by economic
necessity, mandatory pregnancy discharge reinforces societal pressure to relin-
quish career aspirations for a hearth-centered existence. Loss of her job and accu-
mulated benets profoundly aect the choices open to her....
....
Petitioner was presumed unt for service under a regulation that declares,
without regard to fact, that she ts “into the stereotyped vision...of the ‘correct’
female response to pregnancy.” is Court has several times considered the “ratio-
nality” of presumptions of the kind operative here.... Based on a sexual stereotype
no less invidious that one racial or religious, the regulation is patently unreason-
able and constitutionally inrm.
....
e discriminatory treatment required by the challenged regulation, barring
pregnant women and mothers from continued service in the Air Force, reects
the discredited notion that a woman who becomes pregnant is not t for duty, but
should be conned to the home to await childbirth and thereaer devote herself
to child care. Imposition of this outmoded standard upon petitioner unconstitu-
tionally encroaches upon her right to privacy in the conduct of her personal life.
Individual privacy with respect to procreation and intimate personal relations
is a right rmly embedded in this nation’s tradition and in the precedent of this
Court. Griswold v. Connecticut () emphatically rearmed the Court’s posi-
tion on the fundamental right to personal privacy....
e Air Force regulation applied to petitioner substantially infringes upon her
right to sexual privacy, and her autonomy in deciding “whether to bear...a child.”
...Her “choice” operates in one direction only. If she wishes to continue her Air
Force career, she must not give birth to a child.
Signicantly, men in the Air Force are not “encouraged,” on pain of discharge,
to use contraceptives and avoid fatherhood.... [T]he plain fact is that no regulation
discourages men in the Air Force, whether married or single, from fathering chil-
dren. If a man and a woman, both Captains in the Air Force, conceive a child, the
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
man is free to continue his service career, but the woman is subject to involuntary
discharge.
....
a servicewoman conceive a child, the serviceman is not
even disciplined; on the other hand, the servicewoman is discharged, regardless
of who is responsible for the failure of contraception, if indeed either is respon-
sible. On what rational basis does the Air Force assume that a woman alone bears
responsibility for a planned or unplanned pregnancy?
Brief for the petitioner, Struck v. Secretary of Defense, No. – (U.S. Supreme Court,
December , ).
Rockefeller Commission Report
When President Richard M. Nixon called for a major study of the role of population
growth in July , he declared, “One of the most serious challenges to human destiny
in the last third of this century will be the growth of the population.” Congress responded
by chartering the Commission on Population Growth and the American Future, usu-
ally known as the Rockefeller Commission, aer its chairman, philanthropist John D.
Rockefeller III. e commission’s members, most appointed by Nixon, spent two years
studying the issues.
On May , , the commission presented its three-volume report to the president.
e report was wide ranging in analysis and recommendations. e commission under-
stood its recommendations concerning population growth as not only “increasing pub-
lic knowledge of the causes and consequences of population change,” and “ facilitating
and guiding the processes of population movement,” but also “maximizing information
about human reproduction and its consequences for the family, and enabling individu-
als to avoid unwanted fertility.”
e Rockefeller report addressed the implications of unrestrained population
growth for the planet and for persons, in terms inected by concerns of ecology and
equality. “[U]nfortunately, for many of our citizens, quality of life is still dened only
as enough food, clothing, and shelter. All human beings need a sense of their own dig-
nity and worth, a sense of belonging and sharing, and the opportunity to develop their
individual potentialities.” e report took care to distance itself om race- and class-
based claims about population control and instead spoke of population control in terms
that advanced understandings of human dignity, eedom, and equality advocated by
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
contemporary civil rights movements, although in more temperate terms. e report
contained more than policy recommendations, which advocated for social supports
ranging om sex education and contraception, to government housing aid aimed at
diminishing residential “racial polarization,” to support for child care and ratication
of the Equal Rights Amendment.
By the time the commission presented its report to Nixon, countermobilization
against the Equal Rights Amendment had begun, and, as we have seen, opponents of
abortion repeal were organizing to recriminalize abortion in New York and Connecti-
cut. Advisors to the president encouraged him to align himself with these eorts in the
interests of his reelection campaign. As we will see, the president shied ground and chose
to distance himself om the report’s recommendations.
:
Racial and Ethnic Minorities
...This nation cannot hope to successfully address the question of future popula-
tion without also addressing the complex network of unemployment, poor hous-
ing, poor health services, and poor education, all of which combine to act upon,
and react to, the pressures of population.
At the outset, we must recognize that our population problems cannot be
resolved simply by inducing our “have-not” groups to limit the number of chil-
dren they have. Although the fertility of minority groups is higher than that of
the rest of the population, it is not they who bear the primary responsibility for
population growth.
Despite their higher fertility rates, minorities—precisely because of their
smaller numbers—contribute less to population growth than does the rest of the
population....
....
population growth is primarily fueled by the poor and the
minorities having lots of babies is a myth. ere is nonetheless a strong relation-
ship between high fertility and the economic and social problems that aict the
percent of our people who are poor, and we must address it....
....
[] race relations in our nation has le a widely felt leg-
acy of fear and suspicion that will poison any population policy unless it is clear
that such a policy is being developed to enhance the quality of life for all Ameri-
cans, and not to restrict or curtail the gains made by minorities....
....
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
among blacks and other minorities is not the main
source of the problem of national population growth, nonetheless it is clear that
many minority families regard excess fertility as a serious personal problem. e
evidence for this is the response of minority families to family planning services
when these are made available in an acceptable manner. Like other groups, minor-
ity members seek to limit their family size as a means of achieving a better quality
of life for themselves and their children....
....
...[U]nless we address our major domestic social problems in the short run—
beginning with racism and poverty—we will not be able to resolve fully the ques-
tion of population growth.
:
....
...How far down the road toward population stabilization would the preven-
tion of unwanted births take us? Since fertility has been changing so rapidly in
recent years, such an estimate is dicult to make. e record of women who are
approaching the end of their childbearing, those to years old in , indi-
cates that percent had at least one unwanted birth, a total of one in every six
births. e prevention of the unwanted births in this group would have carried
them about three-hs of the way to the replacement level. But women in those
age groups were the main participants in the post-war baby boom and have had
the highest fertility of any women in modern time. And there has been a signi-
cant change downward in the family-size expectations of young couples.
We conclude that there are many “costs” associated with unwanted fertility,
not only nancial, but health, social, psychological, and demographic costs as well.
e Commission believes that all Americans, regardless of age, marital sta-
tus, or income, should be enabled to avoid unwanted births. Major eorts should
be made to enlarge and improve the opportunity for individuals to control their
own fertility, aiming toward the development of a basic ethical principle that only
wanted children are brought into the world.
In order to implement this policy, the Commission has formulated the follow-
ing recommendations that are developed in detail in the remainder of this chapter:
· e elimination of legal restrictions on access to contraceptive information
and services, and the development by the states of armative legislation to
permit minors to receive such information and services.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
· e elimination of administrative restrictions on access to voluntary contra-
ceptive sterilization.
· e liberalization of state abortion laws along the lines of the New York State
statute.
· Greater investments in research and development of improved methods of
contraception.
· Full support of all health services related to fertility, programs to improve
training for and delivery of these services, an extension of government family
planning project grant programs, and the development of a program of family
planning education.
The Moral uestion
The Commission recognizes that abortion is a complex issue requiring a thought-
ful balancing of moral, personal, and social values. As the Commission moves
toward a population policy for the United States, our principal objective is the
enrichment of life, not its restriction. We share with our fellow citizens an abid-
ing concern for the sanctity of all human life. Thus, we appreciate the moral
decisions involved in abortion, as well as the possible insensitivity to all human
life implied in the practice of abortion. It is from this perspective that we have
approached three moral issues concerning abortion which we believe to be of fore-
most importance.
e rst issue relates to the fetus, both as to the termination of potential life
and determining when that life actually begins. e second relates to bringing
into the world an unwanted child, particularly when the child’s prospects for a
life of dignity and self-fulllment are limited. ird, there is the question of the
woman who in desperation seeks an abortion. Our society faces a dicult decision
when the woman believes her well-being is threatened and she sees no other way
out but an illegal abortion with all its attendant dangers.
e Commission believes that a wise and sound decision in regard to the
abortion question requires a careful balancing of the moral problems relating to
the woman and the child along with those concerning the fetus.
In the development of western culture, the tendency has been toward a greater
protection of life. At the same time, there is a deep commitment in our moral
tradition to individual freedom and social justice. e Commission believes that
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
the various prohibitions against abortion throughout the United States stand as
obstacles to the exercise of individual freedom: the freedom of women to make
dicult moral choices based on their personal values, the freedom of women to
control their own fertility, and nally, freedom from the burdens of unwanted
childbearing. Restrictive statutes also violate social justice, for when abortion is
prohibited, women resort to illegal abortions to prevent unwanted births. Medi-
cally safe abortions have always been available to the wealthy, to those who could
aord the high costs of physicians and trips abroad; but the poor woman has been
forced to risk her life and health with folk remedies and disreputable practitioners.
Public Health
Abortion is not new; it has been an alternative to an unwanted birth for large
numbers of American women (estimates ranged from , to ,, ille-
gal abortions per year in the United States). The Commission regards the issue of
illegal abortion with great concern and supports measures to bring this medical
procedure from the backrooms to the hospitals and clinics of this country. It is
becoming increasingly clear that, where abortion is available on request, one result
is a reduction in the number of illegal abortions. Deaths as a consequence of illegal
abortion have dropped sharply in New York since the enactment of a liberal abor-
tion statute....
What is the eect of abortion on out-of-wedlock births? e best informa-
tion comes from New York, where out-of-wedlock births have been on the rise
since they were rst recorded in . Statistics for the rst eight months of
indicate that, for the rst time, the rate is declining. Moreover, the New York City
programs for unmarried pregnant girls have reported a sharp decline in the num-
ber of applicants this year.
In summary, we are impressed that the availability of abortion on request
causes a reduction in the number of illegal abortions, maternal and infant deaths,
and out-of-wedlock births, thereby greatly improving the health of women and
children.
Family Planning
The Commission affirms that contraception is the method of choice for prevent-
ing an unwanted birth. We believe that abortion should not be considered a sub-
stitute for birth control, but rather as one element in a comprehensive system of
maternal and infant health care. For many, the very need for abortion is evidence
of a social and personal failure in the provision and use of birth control. In the
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
year beginning July , , an estimated , legal abortions and an unknown
number of illegal abortions were performed in the United States. Far too many
Americans must resort to abortion to prevent an unwanted birth. It is our belief
that the responsible use of birth control can be achieved only when sex counseling
and contraceptive information and services are easily accessible to all citizens.
e Commission expects that, with the increasing availability of contracep-
tives and improvements in contraceptive technology, the need for abortion will
diminish....
Public Opinion
Public opinion on abortion is changing, tending recently to grow more liberal.
Some to percent more women in than in approve of abortion
for various reasons, according to interview data collected in the and
National Fertility Studies. The public opinion survey conducted in for the
Commission indicates that half of all Americans believe that abortion should be
a matter decided solely between individuals and their physicians; an additional
percent would permit abortion under certain circumstances; and percent flatly
oppose abortions under any circumstances. Estimates of the current state of atti-
tudes on abortion doubtless depend very much on the phrasing of the question
and the interpretation of the respondent.
In general, support for increasing the availability of legal abortions is stron-
gest among non-Catholics and among those who are well-educated. Among the
general public, percent feel that the government should help make abortion
available to all women who want it.
The abortion issue raises a great number of moral, legal, public health, and demo-
graphic concerns. As a group, the Commission has carefully considered these
issues, and based on their personal views, individual members of the Commission
have resolved these questions differently....
e majority of the Commission believes that women should be free to deter-
mine their own fertility, that the matter of abortion should be le to the con-
science of the individual concerned, in consultation with her physician, and that
states should be encouraged to enact armative statutes creating a clear and posi-
tive framework for the practice of abortion on request.
erefore, with the admonition that abortion not be considered a primary
means of fertility control, the Commission recommends that present state laws
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
restricting abortion be liberalized along the lines of the New York State statute,
such abortions to be performed on request by duly licensed physicians under con-
ditions of medical safety.
In carrying out this policy, the Commission recommends:
That federal, state, and local governments make funds available to support
abortion services in states with liberalized statutes. That abortion be specifi-
cally included in comprehensive health insurance benefits, both public and
private.
Beyond my own personal feelings, I oppose open abortion on demand and sup-
port limited therapeutic abortion laws for the following reasons:
. e Commission report does stress that abortion should not be a substitute for
birth control, but has not intimated that liberal abortion takes the responsibil-
ity away from sexual activity. Impulsive, irresponsible sexual involvement can
be rationalized without fear of pregnancy if abortion is open, legal, and free.
Excerpted from Population and the American Future: e Report of the Commission on Popu-
lation Growth and the American Future (March , ).
Abortion Seen Up to Woman, Doctor
by George Gallup
In recommending that “the matter of abortion should be le to the conscience of the
individual concerned, in consultation with her physician, and that states should be
encouraged to enact armative statutes creating a clear and positive amework for the
practice of abortion on request,” the Rockefeller Commission was not merely reecting
the views of its members but—as Gallup polls in suggested—also those of a growing
majority of Americans.
In June , the Gallup Organization conducted a nationwide poll on attitudes
toward abortion. George Gallup’s syndicated article describing the poll results was pub-
lished in the Washington Post on August , , and was carried in other newspapers
throughout the country. e results showed substantial majorities in all demographic
categories, including Catholics, in favor of leaving the abortion decision up to a woman
and her doctor. e Gallup poll reported that more Republicans than Democrats were
in favor of liberalized abortion laws, an outcome that likely reected the fact that most
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Catholics in identied themselves as Democrats; a majority of Catholics supported
abortion reform, but by a closer margin than Protestants.
Presumably, those justices who were at home in Washington, or who read an Ameri-
can newspaper elsewhere, were aware of this poll. Clearly, Justice Blackmun was; a copy
of the Washington Post article reporting the poll results was in his Roe v. Wade le.
Princeton, N.J.—Two out of three Americans think abortion should be a matter
for decision solely between a woman and her physician, according to a recent sur-
vey conducted by The Gallup Organization.
An even larger majority, per cent, believes that professional birth control
information, services and counseling should be made available to unmarried, sex-
ually-active teenagers.
e Gallup survey, conducted in June, reveals that a record high of percent
support full liberalization of abortion laws, agreeing with the statement that “the
decision to have an abortion should be made solely by a woman and her physician.”
ree in ten persons ( per cent) disagree with the statement, while ve per cent
do not express an opinion.
Two in three among those who disagree, however, would make an exception
in the case of a woman whose mental health is in danger.
Majority support for legal abortion has increased sharply since January when
a comparable survey by e Gallup Organization found per cent of the belief
that abortion should be a decision made by a woman and her physician.
A still earlier survey, in November, , found per cent in favor of “a law
which would permit a woman to go to a doctor and end a pregnancy at any time
during the rst three months.”
On the question of contraception for teenagers, almost three out of four—
per cent—agree with the statement that “professional birth control information,
services and counseling should be made available to unmarried sexually-active
teenagers.” Twenty-three per cent disagree with this statement, while four per cent
do not express an opinion.
e majority of Catholics agree with both statements, contrary to the tradi-
tional stand of the Roman Catholic Church. Fiy-six per cent of Catholics believe
that abortion should be decided by a woman and her doctor, and per cent of
Catholics express approval of making birth control information and services avail-
able to teenagers. e comparable percentages for Protestants are per cent in
favor of legal abortion and per cent in favor of birth control information and
services for teenagers.
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
e issue of abortion is of political signicance in this presidential election
year. Gallup interviewers nd that a greater proportion of Republicans ( per
cent) and independents ( per cent) than Democrats ( per cent) holding the
belief that abortion should be a decision between a woman and her physician.
Approval of birth control information and services for teenagers was indi-
cated by per cent of Republicans, per cent of Democrats interviewed, and
per cent of independents.
Agreement with both statements was found to be greatest among persons of
higher income and educational levels. Geographically, approval on the issue of
abortion ranged from per cent in the South to per cent in the West. Approval
of contraceptive information and services for teenagers was above per cent in
all regions of the nation—rising to per cent in the Far West.
Little dierence in opinion is found between young and middle-aged respon-
dents. About the same percentage of all age groups agreed with the statement on
abortion, while approval of teenage birth control information and services was
slightly greater among those under ( per cent) than among those aged –
years ( per cent). Persons and older were per cent in agreement on the
teenage question.
Following are statements on a card handed to respondents, and the ndings:
As you may have heard, in the last few years a number of states have liberal-
ized their abortion laws. Do you agree or disagree with the following state-
ment regarding abortion: “The decision to have an abortion should be made
solely by a woman and her physician.”
Tota l
Men
Women
Protestants
Catholics
Republicans
Democrats
Independents
College
High School
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Grade School
East
Midwest
South
West
Less than , per yr.
,–,
,–,
,–,
, and over
Under years old
– years old
and over
[e second question was the teenage contraception question described in the
article.]
Printed with permission of the Gallup Organization. Original article published Aug. , .
Statement about the Report of the Commission on
Population Growth and the American Future
by Richard M. Nixon (May , )
By , there was steadily increasing support for the repeal of abortion laws; the Gallup
poll registered a clear majority of Americans, even Catholic Americans, supporting liber-
alization. In response, opponents of liberalization, with the aid of the Catholic Church,
redoubled their eorts to organize. ey entered politics, mobilizing constituencies of
single-issue oters who would support and oppose legislators in response to their otes
on abortion. Politicians responded.
By the time the Rockefeller Commission presented its three-volume report to the
president on May , , Nixon’s reelection campaign was under way, and the domes-
tic political climate had changed signicantly om when the report was commissioned
in . e commission’s work had attracted criticism om cultural conservatives
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
and, most notably, om the Catholic Church. As we have seen, Nixon himself had
publicly advocated against abortion liberalization, rst by repudiating the military’s
liberal abortion policy in , and, subsequently, by writing—with the guidance of his
speechwriter and advisor Patrick Buchanan—a letter to Cardinal Cooke of New York,
supporting Cooke’s eorts to repeal New York’s abortion statute. e ostensibly pri-
vate letter was immediately leaked, furthering Nixon’s public image as anti-abortion.
In a more public, and nonsectarian, gesture, the president distanced himself om the
population-control study he himself had commissioned just a few years earlier.
Nixon explicitly rejected two of the Rockefeller Commission’s recommendations: for
legalized abortion and for teenagers’ access to birth control; he made no comment on the
remainder of the recommendations and never proposed adopting any of them as federal
policy. Abortion was “an unacceptable means of population control,” the president said
in an ocial statement that ignored the fact that the commission’s report disclaimed
any such objective, instead depicting liberalized access to abortion as contributing to
“the exercise of individual eedom.”
The Commission on Population Growth and the American Future has formally
presented its report to me today, thus completing its years of work.
e men and women on this panel have performed a valuable public service
in identifying and examining a wide range of problems related to population, and
have contributed to an emerging debate of great signicance to the future of our
Nation.
I wish to thank the able and energetic Chairman of the Commission, Mr.
John D. Rockefeller d, for his tireless eorts, not only on this Commission but in
other capacities, to focus the Nation’s attention on these important issues.
e extensive public discussion already generated by this report clearly indi-
cates the need to continue research in areas touching on population growth and
distribution.
While I do not plan to comment extensively on the contents and recommen-
dations of the report, I do feel that it is important that the public know my views
on some of the issues raised.
In particular, I want to rearm and reemphasize that I do not support unre-
stricted abortion policies. As I stated on April , , when I revised abortion pol-
icies in military hospitals, I consider abortion an unacceptable form of population
control. In my judgment, unrestricted abortion policies would demean human
life. I also want to make it clear that I do not support the unrestricted distribution
of family planning services and devices to minors. Such measures would do noth-
ing to preserve and strengthen close family relationships.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
I have a basic faith that the American people themselves will make sound
judgments regarding family size and frequency of births, judgments that are con-
ducive both to the public interest and to personal family goals—and I believe in
the right of married couples to make these judgments for themselves.
....
raised by the report cannot be answered purely on
the basis of fact, but rather involve moral judgments about which reasonable men
will disagree. I hope that the discussions ahead will be informed ones, so that we
all will be better able to face these questions relating to population in full knowl-
edge of the consequences of our decisions.
Richard M. Nixon, statement about the Report of the Commission on Population Growth and
the American Future, May , .
Swing to Right Seen Among Catholics, Jews
(August , )
by Louis Cassels
e report of the Rockefeller Commission reected growing public support for the lib-
eralization of abortion law, but it did not fully register the debate that was escalating
sharply during the period that the commission ocially delivered its report. e com-
mission’s report endorsing repeal in New York State was delivered in May , just
as New York legislators were oting to repeal the state’s liberalized abortion statute,
and as a special session of the Connecticut legislature was reenacting the statute that
Abele v. Markle had invalidated. By , thirteen states had enacted laws permitting
therapeutic abortion, and four—Alaska, Hawaii, New York, and Washington—had
legalized abortion entirely, at least if performed suciently early in pregnancy. But
abortion reform in fact had stalled. Despite increasing support for liberalization in this
period, no state legislature oted to repeal its abortion law aer .
A similar paralysis aected Congress. Only two bills proposing national abortion
legislation were introduced, one in each house. Both attempted to enact at the national
level the decriminalization of abortion already in force in four states. Neither passed. In
the Senate, Oregon Republican Robert Packwood, who urged the importance of popula-
tion control, introduced the National Abortion Act in ; Bella Abzug, a New York
Democrat and a leader of the women’s movement, introduced a bill in the House in
. Despite repeatedly sponsoring the National Abortion Act in the Senate, Senator
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
Packwood never believed it would actually pass. He understood the abortion issue as
politically risky. Explaining the inability of Congress to enact national abortion leg-
islation, Packwood stated in : “Most of the legislators in the nation I have met
and certainly many members of Congress would prefer the Supreme Court to legalize
abortion, thereby taking them o the hook and relieving them of the responsibility for
decision-making.”
Several factors seem to account for the legislative deadlock. To begin with, passage
of the four repeal statutes in signaled the possibility of signicant change in the
law, and helped mobilize opposition to the liberalization of abortion law. Second, the
nascent opposition movement organized around abortion as a single issue. In New York
and Connecticut, those opposed to abortion targeted legislators district by district on the
basis of their ote on abortion. Under pressure of this kind, support for repeal became
more costly, even when a majority of oters supported liberalization.
ird, the Catholic Church worked directly and indirectly—through the National
Right to Life Committee and other organizations—to draw Catholic, and, increas-
ingly, even non-Catholic oters into oting on the basis of abortion. Church leadership
addressed abortion as an issue of Catholic faith and identity, and, by , the press was
coering abortion as a Catholic oting issue, even though, as we have seen, Catholics
were in fact divided in attitude toward the liberalization of abortion law.
e article excerpted here captures a moment when the political tectonic plates
were beginning to shi. e writer, Louis Cassels (–), was United Press Inter-
national’s religion editor and a widely read columnist.
The vast majority of America’s Catholics and Jews have traditionally been Demo-
crats. This year, a large number is likely to vote Republican.
at is the consensus of Catholic and Jewish leaders who are intimately famil-
iar with trends and attitudes in these two large religious communities.
ere are several reasons for this historic shi in political allegiance. e rst
is economic. Rising auence has caused many Catholic and Jews to identify with
the haves rather than the have-nots. “ere is no question about it,” says Rabbi
Louis Bernstein, president of the Rabbinical Council of America, “a lot of Jews are
swinging to the right in politics.”
Racial issues have played a part in the swing to the right, particularly among
so-called “ethnic” Catholics and among Jews who live near black neighborhoods
in big cities. Many Jews who once considered themselves liberal allies of black men
in the struggle for civil rights now feel that they are targets of virulent anti-Semi-
tism among blacks and have become defensive about it.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Most important issues in switching Catholic and Jewish votes, however, are
()abortion and () Israel.
Sen. George McGovern, the Democratic presidential nominee, is trying to
sidestep the abortion issue by saying it’s one for states to decide. But Catholics
know—and Republicans won’t let them forget it—that McGovern was saying
only a few months ago that “abortion is a private matter which should be decided
by a pregnant woman and her own doctor.” In other words, he favored abortion-
on-demand with no legal restrictions.
is position is deeply repugnant to many Americans—not only Catholics—
who feel that the state has a responsibility to provide protection to the most help-
less form of human life—a quickened but unborn fetus.
President Nixon has squarely aligned himself with this latter sentiment—and
again you can rest assured this point will be made perfectly clear in the election
campaign. On April , , Nixon said:
From personal and religious beliefs I consider abortion an unacceptable form
of population control. Further, unrestricted policies of abortion on demand
I cannot square with my personal belief in the sanctity of human life—
including the life of the yet unborn.
’
Jews aren’t much concerned with the abortion issues but are quite concerned
about American support of Israel. The general feeling of the American Jewish
community, according to qualified informants within it, is that Nixon has proved
himself a stalwart supporter of Israel, both in diplomatic maneuvers and in ship-
ments of U.S. arms, including Phantom jet planes.
McGovern, on the other hand, is widely remembered among Jews as a man
who once advocated making Jerusalem an open city. No amount of present and
future waing on that issue will erase the memory or the distrust of McGovern it
inspired among the Jews.
McGovern indicated at the Democratic Convention in Miami Beach that he
is aware of the possibility of large-scale Catholic and Jewish defections from the
Democratic fold. He sought to placate Catholics by choosing one as his running
mate and by having his forces defeat a proposed platform plank advocating abor-
tion on demand. He tried to make character with Jews by having his name placed
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
in nomination by a Jew and by having his delegates write into the platform a plank
pledging rm U.S. support of Israel.
It is possible, however, that some Catholics and Jews may consider these ges-
tures too little and too late.
Taking all in all, it appears probable at this moment that the two major reli-
gious components of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s famous Democratic coalition will
take a walk this year.
Printed by permission of United Press International.
Assault Book
by Patrick Buchanan
Catholic oters’ increasing willingness to ote on the basis of the abortion question was of
great interest to the national political parties. In the late s, strategists had identied
Southern Democrats and Catholics in the Northeast as target groups whom Republicans
might persuade to shi party aliation. As the concluding document in Part I shows,
by , the Republican Party in California was experimenting with using the abortion
issue to persuade Catholics to aliate with the GOP.
By , a national presidential campaign was under way. Richard Nixon, seeking
reelection, had decided that the abortion issue was an eective way to encourage Catho-
lic oters to shi party alignment. His public rejection of the Rockefeller Commission’s
recommendations was part of that strategy. Kevin Phillips, then a Republican Party
strategist, described a key prong of Nixon’s reelection plan as “wooing conservative
Catholics, senior citizens, and other traditionalists.”
Catholic oters thus emerged as an important swing ote in the national campaign,
and abortion was emerging as an issue with the power to capture their ote. But as
the campaign unfolded, abortion acquired new politically charged meanings of concern
to an audience that reached far beyond Catholic constituencies. e shi most notice-
ably began during the primary campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination,
when Senator George McGovern emerged as a candidate associated with the le and,
as importantly, as candidate associated with the women’s movement. On April ,
, the widely read political columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, writ-
ing in the Washington Post, quoted “one liberal senator” as saying, “e people don’t
know McGovern is for amnesty, abortion, and legalization of pot.... Once middle Amer-
ica—Catholic middle America, in particular—nds this out, he’s dead.” e column
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
famously associated McGovern with demands for amnesty for the antiwar protesters
who evaded the Vietnam dra, with the abortion rights claims of the women’s move-
ment, and with the counter-cultural tastes of the youth movement. Abortion, in this
usage, broadly signied a refusal to conform to traditional social norms—to practice
restraint (in sex and drugs) and to fulll role obligations requiring women to raise chil-
dren and men to defend family and nation. (Interestingly, the twin targets of this social
critique were women who refused the role of nurturer in the nursery and men who
refused to kill on the battleeld.)
Soon Senate Republican leader Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania was to turn this idea
into a catchy alliterative phrase, tarring McGovern as the “triple-A candidate” who was
for abortion, amnesty and “acid” (the legalization of LSD, and of narcotics in general).
e claim spread, carried by other Democrats campaigning for the party’s nomination,
by advertisements placed in Catholic newspapers, and by anti-abortion groups. McGov-
ern had associated himself with repeal of abortion laws in only a few public statements,
but his feminist supporters sought more visible and unequivocal support for repeal in the
Democratic Party platform; increasingly sensitive to the political cost, McGovern forces
defeated the abortion plank, expressing the view—not unlike President Nixon’s—that
the abortion question was for the states to decide.
Despite these similarities in the candidates’ position, Republican Party strategists
sought to make the most of the abortion issue—not only to use it to persuade Catholics
to shi party alignment but to reame it to speak to a wider audience. An important
tactic of the Nixon campaign was, as Kevin Phillips described it, to “link McGovern to a
culture and morality that is anathema to Middle America”; to portray him as “a radical
whose election could jeopardize the fabric and stability of American society.” e strategy
succeeded: Nixon won the majority ote in states.
During the campaign, Patrick Buchanan, a key Nixon advisor, compiled an “assault
book,” as he labeled it, outlining strategies for the general election. It began with an
account of “social issues” understood to be “Catholic/Ethnic concerns” in which abor-
tion gured rst.
I. SOCIAL ISSUES—Catholic/Ethnic Concerns
. Abortion/ZPG [Zero Population Growth] /Contraceptives
. Amnesty [for Vietnam War dra evaders]
. Marijuana
. Aid to Nonpublic Schools
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
II. INFLAMMATORY RHETORIC
. Inammatory Rhetoric
III. RACIAL UESTIONS & CONCERNS
. Integration for the Suburbs
. Forced Bussing/Racial Balance
. Black Caucus Demands
IV. WELFARE ISSUES
....
V. ECONOMIC ISSUES....
....
Though McGovern says “we should leave the matter to the States”; “I simply don’t
think the Federal Government should be involved at all,” he clearly has come
down hard on the side of unrestricted abortion policies—in favor of abortion
on demand. No other conclusion can be drawn from the following statement in
Newsweek (direct quote)
“abortion is a private matter which should be decided by a pregnant woman
and her own doctor. Once the decision is made, I do not feel the law should
stand in the way of its implementation.”
(RNC [Republican National Committee] has this quote from
Zero Population Group [sic], National Reporter, January, 1972)
Before Catholic groups and ethnic groups, McGovern can rightly be charged
with favoring “abortion on demand, unrestricted abortion,” and repeal of all state
abortion laws. ough McGovern is attempting to back o his hard-line pro-
abortion position saying, we should leave the matter to the states, his statement
above clearly suggests that he opposes any law which interferes with the decision
of a pregnant woman and her doctor.
Recommendation
That a flyer, contrasting RN [Richard Nixon] and McGovern positions on abortion
be prepared and distributed at the Right to Life Convention in Philly in June—
and that we attempt to have the flyer included in at least one mailing by every
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
right-to-life group in the United States. Further, our position vis a vis McGovern
on abortion should be included in a Position Flyer in October, on major issues of
concern to Catholics—i.e. parochial schools, abortion, pornography, etc.
Reprinted from document archived at Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum,
(Nixon-WHSF-Buchanan, box , folder .)
Women’s Libbers Do NOT Speak for Us
om e Phyllis Schlay Report, February
By the early s, youthful advocates for an end to the war in Vietnam, social justice,
sexual eedom, and women’s liberation had triggered countermobilization among those
who opposed the new “permissive” morality. It was in this context that the strategies
outlined in the Buchanan “assault book” and the “triple-A” label that the Republicans
pinned on Senator McGovern acquired such resonance. In , the Women’s Strike
for Equality had rmly linked the claim for a right to abortion to the call for a radical
change in women’s place in society, in the process changing the claim’s meaning and
associations. e abortion conict was now part of a more wide-ranging conict about
sex and family roles. In , the “triple-A” label harnessed backlash against the women’s
moement as a powerful political weapon, deriving its energies in some good part om
one of feminism’s most prominent critics, Phyllis Schlay, a longtime conservative activ-
ist. In , Congress sent the Equal Rights Amendment to the states for ratication, and
the ratication process became a lightning rod for hostility to the women’s movement.
Schlay spearheaded organizing against ERA ratication, building grassroots networks
state by state in which opposition to abortion would gure prominently. A Catholic,
Schlay added to arguments about when life begins a new ground of objection focused
on women’s roles.
In this early newsletter mobilizing opposition to the ERA, Schlay associated abor-
tion with the ERA and attacked both as the twin aims of women’s liberation. In orga-
nizing against the ERA and associating it with abortion, she led the way in building
a “pro-family” constituency and in reaming the abortion issue itself. Here Schlay
attacks abortion by associating it, as the Strike for Equality did, with child care—that
is, care provided by someone other than a child’s mother. e ERA ame associates
abortion with women’s abdication of motherhood, rather than murder. e ames and
networks of Schlay’s campaign against the ERA laid the foundation for the family
CROSSCURRENTS IN THE NATIONAL ARENA, 1972
values movement that would help carry Ronald Reagan to the White House in .
Abortion remained at the heart of the conservative defense of traditional family values
long aer the ERA was defeated.
The “women’s lib” movement is not an honest effort to secure better jobs for
women who want or need to work outside the home. This is just the superficial
sweet-talk to win broad support for a radical “movement.”
Women’s lib is a total assault on the role of the American woman as wife and
mother and on the family as the basic unit of society. Women’s libbers are trying to
make wives and mothers unhappy with their career, make them feel that they are
“second-class citizens” and “abject slaves.” Women’s libbers are promoting free sex
instead of the “slavery” of marriage. ey are promoting Federal “day-care centers”
for babies instead of homes. ey are promoting abortions instead of families.
Why should we trade in our special privileges and honored status for the
alleged advantage of working in an oce or assembly line? Most women would
rather cuddle a baby than a typewriter or factory machine. Most women nd that
it is easier to get along with a husband than a foreman or oce manager. Oces
and factories require many more menial and repetitious chores than washing dish-
ing and ironing shirts.
Women’s libbers do not speak for the majority of American women. American
women do not want to be liberated from husbands and children. We do not want
to trade our birthright of the special privileges of American women—for the mess
of pottage called the Equal Rights Amendment.
Modern technology and opportunity have not discovered any nobler or more
satisfying or more creative career for a woman than marriage and motherhood.
e wonderful advantage that American women have is that we can have all the
rewards of that number-one career, and still moonlight with a second one to suit
our intellectual, cultural or nancial tastes or needs.
And why should the men acquiesce in a system which gives preferential rights
and lighter duties to women? In return, the men get the pearl of great price: a
happy home, a faithful wife, and children they adore.
If the women’s libbers want to reject marriage and motherhood, it’s a free
country and that is their choice. But let’s not permit these women’s libbers to get
away with pretending to speak for the rest of us. Let’s not permit this tiny minor-
ity to degrade the role that most women prefer. Let’s not let these women’s libbers
deprive wives and mothers of the rights we now possess.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Tell your Senators NOW that you want them to vote NO on the Equal Rights
Amendment. Tell your television and radio stations that you want equal time to
present the case FOR marriage and motherhood.
Published by permission of Phyllis Schlay.
PART III
Speaking
to the Court
SPEAKING
TO THE COURT
e Supreme Court that decided Roe v. Wade. is formal group photograph of the
Burger Court was taken in August . Seated, le to right: Justice Potter Stewart,
Justice William O. Douglas, Chief Justice Warren E. Burger, Justice William J. Brennan
Jr., Justice Byron R. White. Standing, le to right: Justice Lewis F. Powell Jr., Justice
urgood Marshall, Justice Harry A. Blackmun, and Justice William H. Rehnquist.
Photograph by Robert Oakes, National Geographic Society, courtesy of the Supreme Court
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
of the United States, photo ... e formal group photograph of the Burger
court. Taken in August .
Roe v. Wade in Context
As we have seen, the reframing of the abortion issue from a question of public
health to a weapon in an escalating culture war happened swiftly and, to a degree
that is surprising in retrospect, took place beneath the radar of those observers
who were not themselves direct combatants. One reason may be that those who
aimed to associate abortion with the “new morality” and with threats to tradi-
tional family values spoke in select venues that allowed them to target particular
segments of the electorate. The Gallup Poll on abortion, taken at the height of the
presidential campaign, did not catch the change; a substantial majority of the
public, and more Republicans than Democrats, supported leaving the abortion
decision up to a woman and her doctor.
As illustrated in Part II, as the evolution in abortion’s meaning was taking
place, the litigation campaign to constitutionalize a right to abortion was in full
swing in courts around the country. e Connecticut legislature’s response to the
successful litigation in that state demonstrates that neither litigation nor legisla-
tion proceeded in a vacuum. e same mix of forces, illustrated in the preceding
parts of this book, were at work, propelling abortion to its visible position on the
country’s political, social, and legal agenda.
e Texas law at issue in Roe v. Wade dated to and prohibited all abor-
tions not necessary to save a pregnant woman’s life. Two recent graduates of the
University of Texas Law School, Sarah Weddington and Linda Coee, had led
the case. ey had recruited three plaintis: a married couple, Marsha and David
King (Mrs. King was not pregnant, but had medical reasons for avoiding preg-
nancy and feared the consequence of a failure of birth control) and an unmarried
and pregnant -year-old, Norma McCorvey. McCorvey had already borne two
children and had relinquished custody of both. is time, she wanted an abortion.
In the lawsuit, the Kings became Mary and John Doe, and Norma McCorvey
became Jane Roe. e defendant, Henry Wade, was the Dallas district attorney.
e lawyers led the case in federal district court in Dallas on March , .
On June , a three-judge panel agreed unanimously that the Texas law violated a
woman’s “fundamental right to choose whether to have children.” e court said
the law was unconstitutionally broad in its “monolithic interdiction,” sweeping
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
“far beyond any areas of compelling state interest” in regulating abortion. In addi-
tion, the court held, the law was unconstitutionally vague in failing to dene the
sole exception specically enough to let doctors know whether they would face or
avoid criminal liability in terminating a patient’s dangerous pregnancy.
But while ruling in favor of Jane Roe, the judges dismissed the Does from the
case on the ground that they lacked a suciently concrete stake in the outcome.
And the court, adhering to “the federal policy of non-interference with state crim-
inal prosecutions,” declined to issue an injunction (an order that would bar the
state from future enforcement of the law). e decision was a nominal victory that
lacked practical utility. On October , , the plaintis’ lawyers appealed to the
Supreme Court.
Since another abortion case was already before the Court, the justices set
the Texas appeal aside. e other case, United States v. Vuitch, was an appeal by
the government from a federal district court decision that had struck down the
District of Columbia’s abortion statute as unconstitutionally vague. e statute
contained a health exception that the lower court had found imprecise and con-
stitutionally problematic because it failed suciently to inform doctors of how
they could distinguish a permitted abortion from a prohibited one. In April of
, the Supreme Court handed down a decision in the Vuitch case that dealt
with the vagueness problem by interpreting the health exception to apply broadly
to mental as well as physical health. It was a signicant ruling that signaled the
Court’s receptivity to constitutional criticism of laws criminalizing abortion,
but it had no bearing on Roe’s challenge to the Texas law, which lacked a health
exception.
Only a day aer issuing the Vuitch decision, the Court announced that it
would hear Roe v. Wade during the following term. But developments aecting
the case continued to unfold. In September, just before the new term was to begin,
two elderly justices, Hugo L. Black and John M. Harlan, announced their retire-
ments, leaving the Court with only seven members. e Court nonetheless pro-
ceeded with oral argument in the case on December , .
A second abortion case was argued the same day: Doe v. Bolton, a challenge
to Georgia’s recently enacted reform law based on the American Law Institute’s
proposal. [See page .] is law, which replaced an statute like
the Texas statute at issue in Roe was more liberal in allowing abortions under cer-
tain circumstances. e Georgia law authorized doctors to terminate pregnancies
that threatened a woman’s life; “that would seriously and permanently injure her
health”; that resulted from rape; or that would lead to the birth of a baby with a
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
“grave, permanent, and irremediable mental or physical defect.” ree doctors,
each conducting an independent examination, had to certify that a woman met
at least one of these criteria; even then, the abortion could not take place until
approved by a special hospital committee.
e plaintis in Doe v. Bolton included doctors, nurses, social workers,
and members of the clergy. e lead plainti, “Mary Doe,” whose real name was
Sandra Bensing, was a -year-old married woman with three children and a his-
tory of mental illness. Pregnant again, she had sought permission for an abortion,
but was turned down because she was found not to meet any of the criteria. A
three-judge panel of the Federal District Court in Atlanta declared the restric-
tions on eligibility to be unconstitutional but upheld the procedural requirements
and declined, like the court in Texas, to issue an injunction.
Complications aecting the Court’s decision to hear the cases continued. Two
new justices, Lewis F. Powell Jr. and William H. Rehnquist, had been conrmed
to the Court on the eve of the December arguments, but they had not yet taken
their seats. Concluding that the two cases should be re-heard by a full Court, the
justices scheduled a new argument for October , —almost exactly two years
aer the appeal in Roe v. Wade had been led. More than months would elapse
between the time the case was led and the day it was decided, along with Doe v.
Bolton, on January , .
A Changing Landscape
Two years is an unusually long time for a case to remain on the Supreme Court’s
docket. As we have already discussed, these were a crucial two years for the mean-
ing of abortion, and it is clear that Roe arrived at the Court’s doorstep in one
world and emerged, months later, into another. In October , when the
case reached the Supreme Court, New York’s repeal of its abortion law appeared
to many people to suggest an inexorable march toward reform. Two years later—
during which time , women, two-thirds of them from out of state, had
obtained legal abortions in New York—the Legislature’s attempted repeal of the
repeal failed only because of Governor Rockefeller’s veto. In the November
elections, voters in Michigan and North Dakota had defeated proposals to liberal-
ize those states’ abortion laws—and, as we have seen, abortion was one of a con-
stellation of factors playing a role in McGovern’s landslide defeat. In early January
, the New York Legislature reconvened in the full expectation of a new effort
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
to recriminalize abortion.
As we now turn to the arguments that were formally presented to the Supreme
Court in legal briefs, an intriguing question arises: What did the justices perceive
of the turmoil over abortion outside their own quiet precincts? Clearly, they knew
that they had on their hands “a most sensitive, emotional, and controversial” issue,
as Justice Harry A. Blackmun described it when he announced Roe and Doe from
the bench (see page ). Further, as Justice Blackmun observed, the Court knew
that “the controversy will continue.” e justices had not been hermetically sealed
o in their chambers during the long months in which the cases were pending.
ey lived in the world as husbands and fathers. ey had set the cases for a sec-
ond argument, a sign that they regarded the cases as something other than routine.
It does appear, however, that the justices in the -to- majority were respond-
ing to a consensus among the elites, particularly of the legal and medical pro-
fessions, that change was appropriate and necessary. ey appreciated that the
decision would provoke controversy, but decided the case on grounds that they
had reason to suppose would nd broad public acceptance. Non-legal material in
Justice Blackmun’s le included the Gallup Poll from the summer of , reect-
ing substantial majorities supporting decriminalization, even among Catholics
[see page .] e le also contained a series of articles from the Atlanta Journal-
Constitution, passed on to Justice Blackmun by Justice Potter Stewart. In these
articles, prominently displayed in the newspaper during April , an Atlanta
physician, Robert A. Hatcher, M.D. asserted that Georgia’s ALI-type reform law
had not gone far enough and was not making enough of a dierence.
Justice Blackmun’s les also contained articles from the American Journal of
Public Health (several of which are excerpted in parts I and II), depicting abortion
reform as inevitable and highly desirable. is was not the only voice of the medi-
cal community the Court heard; among the Roe v. Wade briefs was a strongly
worded one from dissenting obstetricians and gynecologists arguing for uphold-
ing the Texas law (see page ).
Further, the justices may well have viewed organized opposition to the legal-
ization of abortion as based almost exclusively on Catholic religious conviction, as
it primarily was when Roe v. Wade rst arrived on the Court’s docket. e only
Catholic justice then sitting on the Supreme Court was William J. Brennan, Jr.,
a liberal whose full support for an expansive right to abortion may have served to
emphasize signicant dierences of opinion about the criminalization of abor-
tion within the American Catholic community, and so undercut the weight of the
Catholic opposition.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
One signicant change inside the Court while the case was pending was the
arrival of Lewis Powell, a courtly Virginian appointed by President Nixon. A for-
mer president of the American Bar Association, the very embodiment of the legal
establishment, Powell proved not only a surprisingly strong supporter of the right
to abortion but also a strategic ally who pushed Blackmun to extend until later
in pregnancy the time period during which women’s abortion decisions received
constitutional protection. Any fears the justices may have had that they were
embarking on a radical course would have been allayed by Powell’s presence and
performance.
Argument and Decision
Excerpted here are the main briefs led by the parties in Roe v. Wade. e brief for Jane
Roe incorporates many arguments about public health, medical practice, and personal
liberty that will sound familiar om the advocacy and litigation documents in Parts I
and II. In its constitutional argument, the brief draws on the Supreme Court’s deci-
sion in Griswold v. Connecticut, which declared that a Connecticut law prohibiting the
use of contraception violated a constitutional right to marital privacy. e brief contains
some vivid language about the consequences for a woman of being compelled “to serve
as an incubator for months and then as an ostensibly willing mother for up to twenty
or more years.” But the right of doctors to practice medicine as they see t receives at
least as much attention. (As Part II shows, this was one of the earliest justications for
challenges to the constitutionality of laws criminalizing abortion, and was presumably
less controversial than the women’s-rights ame.)
e state’s brief defending the statute focuses on fetal development and the rights of
the unborn. It seeks to demonstrate that when prenatal development is properly under-
stood, the “articial distinction between born and unborn” vanishes and should not
receive legal recognition. e detailed, month-by-month description of fetal development
contained in the state’s brief is repeated nearly word for word in several of the amicus
curiae (iend of the court) briefs led in support of the state’s position.
e Supreme Court’s decision reected the arguments of both parties, as well as
many of those contained in the iend-of-the-court briefs led on both sides. e Court
rejected the state’s argument that the fetus was a “person” meriting the same protec-
tion under the Constitution as born persons. Nevertheless, the Court found that the
state did have an interest in protecting “the potentiality of human life.” Similarly, the
Court endeavored to strike a balance in dening the scope of the right to abortion it
recognized. e majority reasoned that the right to privacy protected not only the use
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
of contraception, but also a woman’s decision whether to bear a child. Yet, the decision
emphasized, this right was not absolute. e Court held that in the rst trimester of
pregnancy, the state may not inhibit a woman’s ability to obtain an abortion; abor-
tion, during that time, “must be le to the medical judgment of the pregnant woman’s
attending physician.” In the middle trimester, the state may regulate abortion to protect
“maternal health”; and in the nal trimester, “the State in promoting its interest in the
potentiality of human life may, if it chooses, regulate, and even proscribe, abortion except
where it is necessary, in appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of the life
or health of the mother.”
Although seven justices joined the decision, there were two dissenters, each express-
ing an objection that opponents of abortion would later invoke in mobilizing against
the abortion right and against Roe itself. Justice Rehnquist’s dissent was focused not
on the moral question of whether abortion ought to be legal, but rather on the institu-
tional question of the Supreme Court’s role. Rehnquist argued that in announcing a
constitutional right to abortion, the Court had overstepped its authority; the right to
privacy on which it based the decision was not part of the “liberty” that the Fourteenth
Amendment protects. Justice White, in a separate dissent, echoed Rehnquist’s arguments
about the proper role of the Court. However, he focused also on the moral questions of
when abortion ought to be permissible, and who ought to be entrusted with such a deci-
sion. Without expressing a fundamentally dierent view of the fetus om the majority,
White, like the majority, asserted the state had an interest in protecting potential life.
But where the majority saw the concerns motivating women to end pregnancies as sig-
nicant, and the impact of a criminal law depriving them of control over the decision
as inicting harms of constitutional magnitude, White was skeptical and suggested that
the majority had extended constitutional protection to women who seek abortions for
reasons of “whim” and “caprice.”
is Part begins with the briefs in which the parties presented their arguments
to the Supreme Court. It then presents the statement Justice Blackmun read om the
bench when he rst announced the Court’s decision in Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton.
e Court’s lengthy published opinion in Roe is widely available on the Internet. But
Blackmun’s brief statement exists only as typescript in the justice’s les at the Library
of Congress. A personal judicial pronouncement of this kind shows how the author of an
opinion wants the world to understand what the Court has done.
An aerword discusses the decision and briey surveys the trajectory of the abortion
debate in the decades aer Roe.
Finally, an appendix presents excerpts of selected iend-of-the-court briefs in order
to document the full range of arguments presented to the Court.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Brief for Appellants Jane Roe, et al.
e lawyers who signed this brief were Roy Lucas, Sarah Weddington, James R. Wed-
dington, Linda N. Coee, Fred Bruner, Roy L. Merrill, Jr., and Norman Dorsen.
Jane Roe [Descriptions are omitted of the other plaintis, “Mary Doe” and “John Doe,”
along with a Dallas physician, James H. Hallford, M.D., who was then under indict-
ment for performing an illegal abortion and who joined the others in challenging the
statute.]
Appellant Jane Roe sued as an unmarried pregnant adult woman on behalf of
herself “and all other women who have sought, are seeking, or in the future will
seek to obtain a legal, medically safe abortion but whose lives are not critically
threatened by the pregnancy.” At the time the action was filed, Jane Roe had been
“unable to secure a legal abortion in Dallas County because of the existence of
the Texas Abortion Laws.” She had sought this medical procedure “because of
the economic hardship which pregnancy entailed and because of the social stigma
attached to the bearing of illegitimate children in our society.” Miss Roe admitted
that insofar as her own interpretation of Texas law was concerned, her “life [did]
not appear to be threatened by the continuation of her pregnancy,” other than in
a qualitative sense, and in the “extreme difficulty in securing employment of any
kind” because of her pregnant condition.
Jane Roe suered emotional trauma when unable to obtain a legal abortion in
Texas. She regarded herself as a law-abiding citizen and did not want to participate
in a felony oense by obtaining an illegal abortion. Also, she had only a tenth
grade education and no well-paying job which might provide sucient funds to
travel to another jurisdiction for a legal abortion in a safe, clinical setting.
....
....
The law on abortion cannot be understood without reviewing the pertinent
aspects of medical and legal history which gave rise to the law. When this is done,
it becomes abundantly clear that public health considerations motivated this type
of legislation, and that these factors no longer justify maintaining such stringent
restrictions in the criminal code.
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
In the s when the rst American abortion statutes were enacted, there
was no medical profession as we know it. Physicians and quacks alike advertised
their treatments and potions in the same marketplace. Both had little to oer the
public. Medical science, an infant branch of learning in the s, did not uncover
the need for clean hands in gynecological examinations until the s.
....
Still, surgical dangers warned against any medical procedure. Induced abor-
tion, in particular, involved internal use of surgical instruments, and the inevi-
table introduction of infection into the womb. Far better, the legislature obviously
deemed, that a woman risk childbirth, than death on the operating table. Only
when the risks cancelled themselves out did she have an option.
Today the comparative risks weigh heavily in favor of permitting induced
abortion, not as an emergency matter as in , but as an elective medical proce-
dure. Surgery in those times was almost always fatal. As the next section shows,
medicine is a dierent science today.
Induced abortion, in medical practice today, is a relatively minor surgical
procedure, insofar as risks to the patient’s physical or mental well-being are con-
cerned....
....
On another level as well, abortion is a safe procedure: it is without clinically
signicant psychiatric sequelae. A number of recent studies conrm that abortion
does not produce serious psychological side-eects damaging to the mental well-
being of the patient.
....
Legal and Medical Standards of Practice Regarding Induced Abortion in
Texas and the United States.
...Today, only abortions performed in non-medical environments present signifi-
cant risks of morbidity and mortality; with proper medical supervision, abortions
are safe and simple procedures. In keeping with modern medical practice, this
Court would reinforce the purpose of early abortion legislation if it invalidated
the statute. This would permit abortions to be done by licensed physicians in ade-
quate medical facilities and discourage abortions by unskilled practitioners. More-
over, it would preserve the -year-old purpose of the law, and the common law.
....
of medical practice respecting induced
abortion is found in the policy statements of professional organizations. Both the
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
American Medical Association and the American College of Obstetricians and
Gynecologists have set standards of professional practice in recent years.
ACOG policy sanctions therapeutic and elective abortion “to safeguard the
patient’s health or improve her family life situation.” ACOG recognizes that
“abortion may be performed at the patient’s request....” A very similar position was
taken by the American Medical Association. e AMA at one time had followed
the A.L.I. model, listing four or ve vaguely dened situations for sanctioned
abortion. is proved unworkable, and the policy was changed in order not to
limit the physicians’ traditional responsibility for evaluating “the merits of each
individual case....”
....
The Provisions in the Texas Penal Code, Articles – and ,
Which Prohibit the Medical Procedure of Induced Abortion Unless
“procured or attempted by medical advice for the purpose of saving the
life of the mother,” Abridge Fundamental Personal Rights of Appellants
Secured by the First, Fourth, Ninth, and Fourteenth Amendments, and
Do Not Advance a Narrowly Drawn, Compelling State Interest.
....
The Constitution does not specifically enumerate a “right to seek abortion,” or a
“right of privacy.” That such a right is not enumerated in the Constitution is no
impediment to the existence of the right. Other rights not specifically enumerated
have been recognized as fundamental rights entitled to constitutional protection
including the right to marry, the right to have offspring, the right to use contra-
ceptives to avoid having offspring, the right to direct the upbringing and educa-
tion of one’s children, as well as the right to travel.
....
fundamental rights entitled to constitutional
protection are involved in the instant case, namely the right of individuals to seek
and receive health care unhindered by arbitrary state restraint; the right of mar-
ried couples and of women to privacy and autonomy in the control of reproduc-
tion; and the right of physicians to practice medicine according to the highest
professional standards. ese asserted rights meet constitutional standards arising
from several sources and expressed in decisions of this Court. e Texas abortion
law infringes these rights, and since the law is not supported by a compelling jus-
tication, it is therefore unconstitutional.
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
The Right to Seek and Receive Medical Care for the Protection of Health
and Well-Being Is a Fundamental Personal Liberty Recognized by Decisions
of This Court and by International and National Understanding.
....
Although this Court has not expressly delineated a right to seek health care,
the importance of such care has been recognized and the existence of such a
right suggested. In United States v. Vuitch (), this Court reaffirmed society’s
expectation that patients receive “such treatment as is necessary to preserve their
health.” In this Court’s invalidation of Connecticut’s proscription against con-
traception, Justice White noted that statute’s intrusion upon “access to medical
assistance...in respect to proper methods of birth control.” Griswold v. Connecticut
() (White, J., concurring).
....
Abortion is an accepted medical procedure for terminating pregnancy. Amici
medical organizations recognize the acceptability of abortion, as their policy state-
ments indicate; they draw no distinction between abortion and other medical pro-
cedures.
e Texas abortion law eectively denies Appellants Roe and Doe access to
health care. Jane Roe was forced to bear a pregnancy to term though an abortion
would have involved considerably less risk to her health. Physicians who would
otherwise be willing to perform an abortion in clinical surroundings are deterred
by the fear of prosecution. Since Appellant Roe could not aord to travel else-
where to secure a safe abortion, to avoid continuation of pregnancy she would
have been forced to resort to an unskilled layman and accept all the health haz-
ards attendant to such a procedure. Even had she been able to travel out of state,
the time required to make nancial and travel arrangements would have entailed
greater health risks inherent in later abortions.
The Fundamental Rights to Marital and Personal Privacy Are Acknowl-
edged in Decisions of This Court as Protected by the First, Fourth, Ninth,
and Fourteenth Amendments.
....
This Court has previously upheld the right to use contraceptives to avoid
unwanted pregnancy [Griswold v. Connecticut ()].
As did the law considered in Griswold, “[t]his law...operates directly on an inti-
mate relation of husband and wife and their physician’s role in one aspect of that
relation.” e Texas abortion law in forbidding resort to the procedure of medical
abortion, has a maximum destructive impact upon the marriage relationship.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
In addition to rights associated with marital privacy, an overlapping body of
precedent extends signicant constitutional protection to the citizen’s sovereignty
over his or her own physical person.
....
have an overwhelming impact on the woman.
e most readily observable impact of pregnancy, of course, is that of carrying the
pregnancy for nine months. Additionally there are numerous more subtle but no
less drastic impacts.
Without the right to respond to unwanted pregnancy, a woman is at the mercy
of possible contraceptive failure, particularly if she is unable or unwilling to utilize
the most eective measures. Failure to use contraceptives eectively, if pregnancy
ensues, exacts an exceedingly high price.
....
, a woman is faced with a governmental mandate
compelling her to serve as an incubator for months and then as an ostensibly will-
ing mother for up to twenty or more years. She must oen forego further educa-
tion or a career and oen must endure economic and social hardships. Under the
present law of Texas she is given no other choice. Continued pregnancy is compul-
sory, unless she can persuade the authorities that she is potentially suicidal or that
her life is otherwise endangered. e law impinges severely upon her dignity, her
life plan and oen her marital relationship. e Texas abortion law constitutes an
invasion of her privacy with irreparable consequences. Absent the right to rem-
edy contraceptive failure, other rights of personal and marital privacy are largely
diluted.
....
e decisions of this Court which implicitly recognize rights of marital and
personal privacy have been followed by state and federal court decisions expressly
holding the decision of abortion to be within the sphere of constitutionally pro-
tected privacy.
at there is a fundamental constitutional right to abortion was the conclu-
sion of the court below in the instant case....
at view has been shared by a number of other courts which have considered
the question and have armed that this is a fundamental right....
Without the ability to control their reproductive capacity, women and couples
are largely unable to control determinative aspects of their lives and marriages. If
the concept of “fundamental rights” means anything, it must surely include the
right to determine when and under what circumstances to have children.
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
Physicians Have a Fundamental Right to Administer Health Care Without
Arbitrary State Interference.
The First, Ninth, and Fourteenth Amendments protect the right of every citizen
to follow any lawful calling, business, or profession he may choose, subject only
to rational regulation by the state as necessary for the protection of legitimate
public interests. In reviewing legislation affecting the medical profession, courts
have particularly respected the knowledge and skill necessary for medical practice,
the broad professional discretion necessary to apply it, and the concomitant state
interest in guaranteeing the quality of medical practitioners....
Similarly, courts have been alert to protect medical practice from rash or arbi-
trary legislative interference....
Most recently, this Court, in United States v. Vuitch (), recognized that
“doctors are encouraged by society’s expectations...and by their own professional
standards to give their patients such treatment as is necessary to preserve their
health.” e Vuitch decision went on to construe the term health to encompass
“psychological as well as physical health,” and “‘the state of being sound in body
or mind.’”
Here, the practice of medicine clearly includes the treatment of pregnancy
and conditions associated with it. However, the Texas statute prohibits physi-
cians from administering the appropriate remedy to preserve the patient’s health
or well-being. Physicians are not required to forego the right to make medically
sound judgments and to act upon them with respect to any other human disease
or condition. With appropriate consents they may administer electric shock ther-
apy, excise vital organs, perform prefrontal lobotomies and take any other drastic
action they believe indicated. ey are not indictable for these actions. However,
obstetricians and gynecologists who are asked to abort their patients for sound
medical reasons risk a prison sentence if they do so. e statute severely infringes
their practice and seriously compromises their professional judgments.
e state must demonstrate a legitimate interest to impair doctors’ rights to
practice their profession. Historically, the interest asserted by the state is a health
interest, and courts have upheld laws designed to ensure the quality of medical
practice. Similarly, statutes have been upheld which require doctors’ intervention
in sales of medically-related products in order to protect public health.
None of the above interests are applicable here, however. e statute in ques-
tion here does not protect the public from unqualied practitioners. Rather the
statute applies to laymen and physicians alike. Indeed, it endangers patients’
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
health by unduly conning doctors’ exercise of medical judgment.... Further, the
statute addresses no other legitimate state interest.
....
The Texas Statute Does Not Advance Any State Interest of Compelling
Importance in a Manner Which is Narrowly Drawn.
As shown earlier, medical abortion is a safe and simple procedure when performed
during the early stages of pregnancy; indeed, it is safer than childbirth. This fact
alone vitiates any contention that the statute here serves a public health interest.
Numerous state and federal courts have taken notice of this fact and concurred
that no health rationale supports a statute like the one here. See e.g. People v.
Belous (Cal. ).
Moreover, no concern for mental health justies the statute, for it does not
permit abortion even if a woman’s mental health is threatened. Such a view is
untenable for the additional reason that abortion is a procedure without clinically
signicant psychiatric sequelae.
Additional data reveal that statutes like the one here actually create “a public
health problem of pandemic proportions” by denying women the opportunity to
seek safe medical treatment. Severe infection, permanent sterility, pelvic disease,
and other serious complications accompany the illegal abortions to which women
are driven by laws like this one.
Any notion that less restrictive abortion laws would produce excessive demands
on medical resources and thereby endanger public health also is unfounded. e
experience in New York City aer one year under an elective abortion law dispels
any such fears....
e absence of a public health problem accompanying less restrictive abortion
is indicated by comparative mortality rates: for the rst eleven months of opera-
tion, the mortality for abortion in New York City is approximately equal to that
of tonsillectomy in the United States.
Against this background of medical fact, there is no support whatever for the
suggestion that public health is an interest protected by this statute.
....
The Statute Does Not Advance Any Public Interest in Protecting Human Life.
As counsel for appellee admitted during oral argument, “the State only has one
interest and that is the protection of the life of the unborn child.” The question
then becomes whether this interest is sufficiently compelling to overcome the cou-
ple’s or woman’s fundamental right to privacy and autonomy. In this regard it is
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
revealing to examine other aspects of the State’s attitude toward the fetus. Such an
inquiry reveals that only in the area of abortion does the State exhibit an interest
in the fetus or treat it as having legal personality.
First, the pregnant woman who searches out a person willing to perform an
abortion and who consents to, if not pleads for, the procedure is guilty of no crime.
Texas courts have repeatedly held that the woman is neither a principal nor an
accomplice. Similarly, the women who travel from Texas to states with less restric-
tive abortion laws in order to secure medical abortions and avoid the alleged state
interest in protecting the fetus are guilty of no crime. Moreover, self-abortion has
never been treated as a criminal act. e State has failed to seek to deter through
criminal sanctions the person whose interests are most likely to be adverse to those
of the fetus. is suggests a statutory purpose other than protecting embryonic life.
An unborn fetus is not a “human being” and killing a fetus is not murder or
any other form of homicide. “Homicide” in Texas is dened as “the destruction of
the life of one human being by the act, agency, procurement, or culpable omission
of another.” Since the common law denition of “human being” is applicable, a
fetus neither born nor in the process of birth is not a “human being” within the
meaning of those words as they appear in the homicide statute. In Keeler v. Supe-
rior Court (Cal. ), a pregnant woman was assaulted by her former husband;
a Caesarean section and examination in utero revealed that the fetus, of approxi-
mately thirty-ve weeks gestation, had died of a severely fractured skull and resul-
tant hemorrhaging. e California Supreme Court held the man could not be
guilty of murder; the same result would apply in Texas. A fetus is not considered
equal to a “human being,” and its destruction involves a signicantly lesser penalty.
e State does not require that a pregnant woman with a history of spontane-
ous abortion go into seclusion in an attempt to save the pregnancy. No pregnant
woman having knowingly engaged in conduct which she reasonably could have
foreseen would result in injury to the fetus (such as skiing in late pregnancy) has
ever been charged with negligent homicide.
No formalities of death are observed regarding a fetus of less than ve months
gestation. Property rights are contingent upon being born alive. ere has never
been a tort recovery in Texas as the result of injury to a fetus not born alive. No
benets are given prior to birth in situations, such as workman’s compensation,
where benets are normally allowed for “children.”
....
It is sometimes argued that scientic discoveries show that human life exists
in the fetus. Scientic studies in embryology have greatly expanded our under-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
standing of the process of fertilization and development of the fetus and studies
relating to the basic elements of life have shown that life is not only present in the
fertilized egg, sperm and ova but that each cell contains elements which could
conceivably constitute the beginning of a new human organism. Such studies are
signicant to science but only confuse the problem of dening human life.
....
us science only leads to a worse quandary for obviously if one goes far enough
back along the continuum of human development one encounters the existence of
sub-microscopic double-helix molecules which have human life potential. When
does something become human?...
Once the fact that science can oer no guidance on the question of when
human life begins is conceded, arguments concerning preservation of the fetus
almost always fall back to the proposition of potential life....
It is obvious that the legislative decision forbidding abortions also destroys
potential life—that of the pregnant woman—just as a legislative decision to permit
abortions destroys potential life. e question then becomes not one of destroying
or preserving potential, but one of who shall make the decision. Obviously some
decisions are better le to a representative process since individual decisions on
medical facilities, wars, or the release of a convict would tend toward the chaotic.
It is our contention that the decision on abortion is exactly the opposite. A repre-
sentative or majority decision making process has led to chaos. Indeed, in the face
of two dicult, unresolvable choices—to destroy life potential in either a fetus
or its host—the choice can only be le to one of the entities whose potential is
threatened.
e above argument is perhaps only another way of stating that when fun-
damental rights are infringed upon, the State bears the burden of demonstrating
a compelling interest for doing so. e question of the life of the fetus versus the
woman’s right to choose whether she will be the host for that life is incapable of
answer through the legislative fact-nding process. Whether one considers the
fetus a human being is a problem of denition rather than fact. Given a decision
which cannot be reached on the basis of fact, the State must give way to the indi-
vidual for it can never bear its burden of demonstrating that facts exist which set
up a compelling state interest for denying individual rights.
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
Brief for Appellee Henry Wade,
District Attorney of Dallas County, Texas
e lawyers who signed this brief were Crawford C. Martin, attorney general of Texas;
Nola White, Aled Walker, Robert C. Flowers, and Jay Floyd, lawyers in the Attorney
General’s Oce; Henry Wade, criminal district attorney, Dallas County; and John B.
Tolle, assistant district attorney.
VI. The Constitution of the United States Does Not Guarantee
a Woman the Right to Abort an Unborn Fetus.
One must recognize the interest of a husband and wife in preserving their conju-
gal relations from state interference, an interest which, in Griswold v. Connecticut
(), was found to be violated by Connecticut’s statute forbidding the use of
contraceptives. This law interfered with the most private aspect of the marital
relation, sexual intercourse, making it criminal for a couple to engage in sexual
intercourse when using contraceptives. In contrast, the usual statute restricting
abortions does not affect the sexual relations of a couple except under some cir-
cumstances and only for a limited time. Prevention of abortion does not entail,
therefore, state interference with the right of marital intercourse, nor does enforce-
ment of the statute requiring invasions of the conjugal bedroom.
Assuming arguendo that there are other marital rights the state must respect,
may it then be urged that the right of marital privacy includes the freedom of a
married couple to raise and educate a child they do not want, or commit infan-
ticide, incest, engage in pandering and the like. Family privacy, like personal pri-
vacy, is highly valued, but not absolute. e news media may publicize the events
that occur when a family is victimized by criminals though they seek seclusion.
e family may not practice polygamy, may not prohibit schooling for a child, or
prohibit the child’s labor, or expose the community or a child to communicable
disease....
Proponents of abortion-on-demand assert that anti-abortion laws unlawfully
intrude into the privacy of the physician-patient relationship. ey assume neces-
sarily that the doctor treating a pregnancy owes an obligation of good medical
care to only one patient, the pregnant woman.... As a patient of the obstetrician,
the child may recover damages for a prenatal injury suered as the result of the
negligence of his doctor. It is elemental that a doctor cannot be freed from legal
restraints in making socio-moral judgments. e state may regulate the medical
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
profession to protect the health and welfare of all its citizens. Appellants’ conten-
tions of intrusion upon physician-patient relationship are not self-sustaining and
must be associated with and connected to a violation of some basic right.
Personal privacy is an exalted right but, as in marital privacy, it has never been
regarded as absolute. A person may be subjected to a “stop and frisk” though it
constitutes an intrusion upon his person, or a person may be required to submit to
a vaccination, and a blood sample may forcibly be extracted from the body of an
individual arrested for suspicion of driving while intoxicated. A woman has been
required to submit to a blood transfusion necessary to preserve her life in order
that her small child shall not be le without a mother. e “right of privacy” is a
highly cherished right—however one which is nowhere expressly mentioned in the
Constitution of the United States or its amendments....
....
e crux of the moral and legal debate over abortion is, in essence, the right of
the woman to determine whether or not she should bear a particular child versus
the right of the child to life. e proponents of liberalization of abortion laws
speak of the fetus as “a blob of protoplasm” and feel it has no right to life until
it has reached a certain stage of development. On the other hand, the opponents
of liberalization maintain the fetus is human from the time of conception, and
so interruption of pregnancy cannot be justied from the time of fertilization. It
most certainly seems logical that from the stage of dierentiation, aer which nei-
ther twinning nor re-combination will occur, the fetus implanted in the uterine
wall deserves respect as a human life. If we take the denition of life as being said
to be present when an organism shows evidence of individual animate existence,
then from the blastocyst stage the fetus qualies for respect. It is alive because it
has the ability to reproduce dying cells. It is human because it can be distinguished
from other non-human species, and once implanted in the uterine wall it requires
only nutrition and time to develop into one of us.
e recent recognition of autonomy of the unborn child has led to the devel-
opment of new medical specialties concerning the unborn child from the earliest
stages of the pregnancy. Modern obstetrics has discarded as unscientic the con-
cept that the child in the womb is but tissue of the mother.... Yet the attack on the
Texas statute assumes this discredited scientic concept and argues that abortions
should be considered no dierently than any medical measure taken to protect
maternal health (see appellant’s brief), thus completely ignoring the developing
human being in the mother’s womb.
....
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
It is our task in the next subsections to show how clearly and conclusively
modern science—embryology, fetology, genetics, perinatology, all of biology—
establishes the humanity of the unborn child. We submit that the data not only
show the constitutionality of the Texas legislature’s eort to save the unborn from
indiscriminate extermination, but in fact suggests a duty to do so. We submit also
that no physician who understands this will argue that the law is vague, uncertain
or overbroad for he will understand that the law calls upon him to exercise his art
for the benet of his two patients: mother and child.
From conception the child is a complex, dynamic, rapidly growing organism.
By a natural and continuous process the single fertilized ovum will, over approxi-
mately nine months, develop into the trillions of cells of the newborn. e natural
end of the sperm and ovum is death unless fertilization occurs. At fertilization a
new and unique being is created which, although receiving one-half of its chromo-
somes from each patient, it really unlike either.
(Editor’s note: e brief contained ten photographs depicting fetal develop-
ment, which are omitted here. ese were well-known images at the time, taken by
the Swedish photographer Lennart Nilsson and published in A Child Is Born: e
Drama of Life before Birth, by Axel Ingelman-Sundberg and Claes Wirsen [Dell
Publishing Company, ].)
....
the child, while very rapid, is also very specic. e
genetic pattern set down in the rst day of life instructs the development of a
specic anatomy. e ears are formed by seven weeks and are specic, and may
resemble a family pattern. e lines in the hands start to be engraved by eight
weeks and remain a distinctive feature of the individual.
e primitive skeletal system has completely developed by the end of six
weeks. is marks the end of the child’s embryonic (from Greek, to swell or teem
within) period. From this point, the child will be called a fetus (Latin, young one
or ospring).
In the third month, the child becomes very active. By the end of the month he
can kick his legs, turn his feet, curl and fan his toes, make a st, move his thumb,
bend his wrist, turn his head, squint, frown, open his mouth, press his lips tightly
together. He can swallow and drinks the amniotic uid that surrounds him.
umb sucking is rst noted at this age. e rst respiratory motions move uid
in and out of his lungs with inhaling and exhaling respiratory movements.
....
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
a distinct individuality in his behavior by the end of the
third month. is is because the actual structure of the muscles varies from baby
to baby. e alignment of the muscles of the face, for example, follow an inherited
pattern. e facial expressions of the baby in his third month are already similar
to the facial expressions of his parents.
Further renements are noted in the third month. e ngernails appear. e
child’s face becomes much prettier. His eyes, previously far apart, now move closer
together. e eyelids close over the eyes. Sexual dierentiation is apparent in both
internal and external sex organs, and primitive eggs and sperm are formed. e
vocal cords are completed. In the absence of air they cannot produce sound; the
child cannot cry aloud until birth, although he is capable of crying long before.
....
, the baby gains two inches in height and ten ounces in
weight. By the end of the month he will be about one foot tall and will weigh one
pound. Fine baby hair begins to grow on his eyebrows and on his head and a fringe
of eyelashes appear. Most of the skeleton hardens. e baby’s muscles become
much stronger, and as the child becomes larger his mother nally perceives his
many activities. e child’s mother comes to recognize the movement and can feel
the baby’s head, arms and legs. She may even perceive a rhythmic jolting move-
ment—een to thirty per minute. is is due to the child. e doctor can now
hear the heartbeat with his stethoscope.
e baby sleeps and wakes just as it will aer birth. When he sleeps he invari-
ably settles into his favorite position called his “lie.” Each baby has a characteristic
lie. When he awakens he moves about freely in the buoyant uid turning from
side to side, and frequently head over heel.... e child hears and recognizes his
mother’s voice before birth. Movements of the mother, whether locomotive, car-
diac or respiratory, are communicated to the child.
....
, the child develops a strong muscular grip with his hands.
He also starts to breathe regularly and can maintain respiratory response for
twenty-four hours if born prematurely. He may even have a slim chance of surviv-
ing in an incubator. e youngest children known to survive were between twenty
to twenty-ve weeks old. e concept of viability is not a static one....
is review has covered the rst six months of life. By this time the individual-
ity of this human being should be clear to all unbiased observers. When one views
the present state of medical science, we nd that the articial distinction between
born and unborn has vanished. e whole thrust of medicine is in support of the
SPEAKING TO THE COURT
motion that the child in its mother is a distinct individual in need of the most
diligent study and care, and that he is also a patient whom science and medicine
treat just as it does any other person.
is review of the current medical status of the unborn serves us several pur-
poses. Firstly, it shows conclusively the humanity of the fetus by showing that
human life is a continuum which commences in the womb. ere is no magic in
birth. e child is as much a child in those several days before birth as he is those
several days aer. e maturation process, commenced in the womb, continues
through the post-natal period, infancy, adolescence, maturity and old age. Dr.
Arnold Gesell points out in his work that no king ever had any other beginning
than have had all of us in our mother’s womb. [Arnold Gesell, e Embryology
of Behavior (Harper & Bros., .)] uickening is only a relative concept which
depends upon the sensitivity of the mother, the position of the placenta, and the
size of the child.
The State of Texas Has a Legitimate Interest in Prohibiting
Abortion Except by Medical Advice for the Purpose of
“Saving the Life of the Mother”
There seems little argument necessary if one can conclude the unborn child is a
human being with birth but a convenient landmark in a continuing process—a
bridge between two stages of life. The basic postulates from which the Appel-
lees’ arguments proceed are: () the pregnant woman has a right of control over
her own body as a matter of privacy guaranteed to her by the Constitution of
the United States; and () this right cannot be interfered with by the state since
the state cannot demonstrate any compelling interest to justify its intrusion. The
contrary position is the state’s interest in preventing the arbitrary and unjustified
destruction of an unborn child—a living human being in the very earliest stages of
its development. Whatever personal right of privacy a pregnant woman may have
with respect to the disposition and use of her body must be balanced against the
personal right of the unborn child to life.
Whatever the metaphysical view of it is, or may have been, it is beyond argu-
ment that legal concepts as to the nature and rights of the unborn child have dras-
tically changed, based on expanded medical knowledge, over the last , years.
....
It is most seriously argued that the “life” protected by the Due Process of Law
Clause of the Fih Amendment includes the life of the unborn child. Further, it
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
would be a denial of equal protection of law not to accord protection of the life
of a person who had not yet been born but still in the womb of its mother. If it
is a denial of equal protection for a statute to distinguish between a thief and an
embezzler under a statute providing for the sterilization of the one and not the
other, then it is surely a denial of equal protection for either the state or federal
government to distinguish between a person who has been born and one living in
the womb of its mother. [Note: in in Skinner v. Oklahoma, the Court had
ruled that it violated equal protection for the state to punish by sterilization a
person convicted of three or more “felonies involving moral turpitude” while not
similarly punishing a felon convicted of embezzlement.]
....
If it be true that the compelling state interest in prohibiting or regulating
abortion did not exist at one time in the stage of history, under the result of the
ndings and research of modern medicine, a dierent legal conclusion can now be
reached. e fact that a statute or law may originally have been enacted to serve
one purpose does not serve to condemn it when the same statute, with the passage
of time, serves a dierent but equally valid public purpose.
ANNOUNCING THE
DECISION
No. -—Roe v. Wade
No. -—Doe v. Bolton
On January , , the Supreme Court issued its decisions in Roe v. Wade and Doe
v. Bolton. Following the Court’s custom, Justice Harry A. Blackmun, as the author of
the opinions, read a summary om the bench. Known in Supreme Court parlance as
“hand-downs,” these summaries are not casual documents. While they are not formally
part of the Court’s published opinion, they reect the author’s view of what matters most
about the decision.
e marked-up dra in Blackmun’s le shows that he labored over the hand-down.
In presenting Roe, Blackmun strives to locate the Court’s decision in history as well as
in contemporary public opinion and to demonstrate how the constitutional amework
that the Court announced respected and coordinated competing values.
Although it is not clear whether anyone on the Court anticipated the passionate
and prolonged conict the abortion right has generated, the document indicates that
Blackmun was aware that the decision would generate controversy; the previous week,
he had sent a dra of the announcement to Chief Justice Warren E. Burger with the
notation, “I anticipate the headlines that will be produced over the country when the
abortion decisions are announced.”
In his announcement om the bench, Justice Blackmun stressed the states’ continu-
ing ability to regulate abortion, and presented the Roe amework as responsive to medi-
cal science and to doctors’ professional judgment. In contrast to his written opinion, the
hand-down was silent about women’s reasons for seeking to end a pregnancy. e text
of Justice Blackmun’s hand-down is reprinted below. It incorporates the handwritten
additions and changes that Blackmun made on his nal typed dra. e document was
dated, in his handwriting, January , .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
ere follows as a separate document, a concluding paragraph that Justice Black-
mun crossed out on the nal dra of the hand-down.
These are the two abortion cases that were argued first in December and
again last October. They are appeals from three-judge federal courts in the North-
ern Districts of Texas and of Georgia respectively.
e lawsuits attack the constitutionality of the Texas and Georgia abor-
tion statutes. e actions were instituted by pregnant women, both married and
unmarried, by a married couple in the Texas case, and by physicians and others
alleging an interest in the subject matter.
e Texas statue is representative of those presently in eect in a majority of
our states and that, for the most past, were enacted during the last half of the nine-
teenth century. e Texas statue prohibits any abortion, or any attempt at an abor-
tion, except where is it procured by medical advice for the purpose of saving the life
of the woman. It makes no reference to health, as does the District of Columbia
statute considered in United States v. Vuitch decided here in the Term.
e Georgia statute, on the other hand, was enacted only in . It is a mod-
ern statute patterned aer the American Law Institute’s Model Penal Code. It is
representative of recent legislation enacted in approximately one-quarter of our
states. It makes an abortion a criminal act with certain exceptions. ese excep-
tions are where the abortion is performed by a licensed physician and, “based upon
his best clinical judgment,” the abortion is necessary because the pregnancy if con-
tinued would endanger the life or health of the woman, or the fetus would very
likely be born with a grave and permanent mental or physical defect, or the preg-
nancy resulted from forcible or statutory rape. e Georgia statute also imposes
certain procedural conditions for the obtaining of the abortion. ese are several
in number, but among them are () Georgia residence, () concurrence in the
abortion decision by two licensed physicians in addition to the attending [physi-
cian], () performance of the procedure in a hospital both licensed by the state
and accredited by the Joint Commission on Accreditation of Hospitals, and ()
approval by a hospital abortion committee of physicians.
So much for the statutes.
e Texas federal court held that a woman had a right, protected by the Ninth
and Fourteen[th] Amendments, to choose whether to have children and that the
Texas statute was therefore void on its face.
e Georgia federal court invalidated certain parts of the Georgia statute
including the portion specifying the particular circumstances in which an abor-
tion may be sought, but upheld most of the remainder of that state’s statute.
ANNOUNCING THE DECISION
e plaintis in both cases took appeals here, and we set the cases for argu-
ment successively.
e abortion issue, of course, is a most sensitive, emotional and controversial
one, perhaps one of the most emotional that has reached the Court for some time.
e issue is one of great public interest not conned to lawyers and their lawsuits.
Convictions are rmly rooted and rmly held. At the same time, attitudes by no
means are uniform. We are aware of this, and we are fully aware that, however the
Court decides these cases, the controversy will continue. Our task, however, is to
decide the cases on constitutional principles as we perceive those principles to be.
In the Texas case we have led a lengthy opinion that attempts to review
the history of attitudes toward abortion, popular, legal, civic, and moral, from
ancient times down to the present. We cannot escape noting, too, the change in
attitudes—in recent years—of professional bodies such as the American Medi-
cal Association, the American Public Health Association, and the American Bar
Association, and, indeed, the changing attitudes among the courts of this country,
both state and federal. is historical approach has revealed a number of interest-
ing things. One is the fact, already alluded to, that nearly all the strict state abor-
tion statutes were enacted about a hundred years ago. Another is the conclusion
that it is very doubtful that abortion was ever rmly established as a common law
crime, even with respect to the destruction of a quick fetus. A third is that there
is little consensus, even among religious or medical groups, as to when life begins.
Some would x it at the moment of conception. Others would focus on quicken-
ing. Still others would regard live birth as the signicant point.
We have concluded again, as the Court has done before, that there is a right of
personal privacy under, and implicit in, the Constitution. It is not spelled out in
so many words, but the Court has recognized this right before in varying contexts.
We feel that it is founded in the Fourteenth Amendment’s concept of personal
liberty and restrictions upon state action. We further conclude that this right of
personal privacy includes the abortion decision, but, as we say that, we emphasize
that the right is not unqualied and that it must be considered against important
state interests in regulation abortion.
ere are, we feel, two important interests that a state possesses and that if it
so desires, it may seek to protect by legislation. e rst is the state’s interest in pre-
serving and protecting the health of the pregnant woman. e second is the state’s
interest in protecting the potentiality of human life, irrespective of the moment
when life actually begins. ese interests are separate and distinct. Each grows in
substantiality as the woman approaches term, and at some point during pregnancy
each becomes “compelling.”
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
We thus have, in tension, the pregnant woman’s right of privacy, on one hand,
and these two distinct state interests, on the other.
We conclude:
. For that portion of the pregnancy stage prior to approximately the end of the
rst trimester, the woman’s privacy right dominates the interests of the state.
It follows that, during this period, the abortion decision must be le to the
medical judgment of the woman’s attending physician.
. From that point on, however, the state, in promoting its interest in health,
may, if it chooses, regulate the abortion procedure in ways that are appropri-
ately related to maternal health. Examples of permissible state regulation in
this area are requirements as to the qualications of the person who is to per-
form the abortion; as to the licensure of that person; as to the facility where
the procedure is to be performed; and as to the licensing of the facility.
. From and aer viability, which, we judicially notice, is usually the end of
approximately the th or th week, and which is the point at which the fetus
has a reasonable chance of independent life if it were then born or removed
from the mother, the state’s interest in protecting the potentiality of human
life dominates the woman’s right to privacy. It follows that the state may, if it
chooses, regulate and even prohibit abortion, except where it is necessary in
appropriate medical judgment for the preservation of the life or health of the
mother.
. e state may dene the term physician to mean only a licensed physician, and
it may proscribe any abortion by a person who is not a physician.
We feel that this holding is consistent with the relative weights of the respec-
tive interests involved, with the lessons and examples of medical and legal history,
with the attitude of the common law toward abortion, and with the demands of
the profound problems of the present day. e states are thus le free to place
increasing restrictions on abortion as the period of pregnancy lengthens so long
as those restrictions are tailored to the recognized state interests. e decision, we
also feel, vindicates the right of the physician and is consistent with the fact that
abortion is essentially a medical decision until, of course, those points in preg-
nancy are reached when the state interests become dominant.
Viewed under this analysis, the Texas statute must fall, and we, therefore,
ANNOUNCING THE DECISION
arm, with one procedural exception, the judgment of the federal court of the
Northern District of Texas.
In the Georgia case we hold that the procedural requirements for J.C.A.H.
accreditation for the hospital, for the hospital abortion committee, and for the
additional two-doctor concurrence are unduly restrictive of the patient’s rights
and of the attending physician’s rights. Similarly, we do not uphold the provision
that the patient be a resident of Georgia. e remainder of the Georgia statute
does not conict with federal constitutional standards.
We thus strike a balance between the interests of the pregnant woman and
the interests of the state in health and in potential life. Fortunately, these deci-
sions come at a time when a majority of the legislatures of the states are in session.
Presumably where these decisions cast doubt as to the constitutional validity of
a state’s abortion statute, the legislature of that state may immediately review its
statute and amend it to bring it into line with the constitutional requirements we
have endeavored to spell out today. If this is done, there is no need whatsoever for
any prolonged period of unregulated abortion practice.
e Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Douglas and Mr. Justice Stewart, while joining
the opinion, have each led separate concurring opinions. Mr. Justice White has
led a dissenting opinion, and Mr. Justice Rehnquist has joined him in that dis-
sent. Mr. Justice Rehnquist has also led a separate dissenting opinion in each of
the two cases.
H.A.B., January ,
In presenting the Court’s decision throughout his oral announcement as moderate, bal-
anced, and bounded, Justice Blackmun was, no doubt, anticipating and responding to
criticism of the Court’s decision. In the paragraph that Justice Blackmun eventually
struck om the dra, he was even more emphatic about the decision’s limits. “e Court,”
he wrote, “does not today hold that the Constitution compels abortion on demand.”
Justice Blackmun’s reasons for deleting this paragraph are unknown but can per-
haps be inferred. e phrase “abortion on demand” does not appear in the majority
opinion, but it is the closing line of a concurring opinion by Chief Justice Burger, who
wrote: “Plainly, the Court today rejects any claim that the Constitution requires abor-
tions on demand.” While draing the hand-down, Justice Blackmun had consulted the
chief justice but had not yet seen the concurring opinion. Perhaps he inserted the refer-
ence to “abortion on demand” at Chief Justice Burger’s request, and then changed his
mind when he nally received the Burger concurrence on January . Seeing that the
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
chief justice himself had explicitly rejected “abortion on demand,” Justice Blackmun
might well have concluded that he himself had no need to invoke a phrase that was
increasingly acquiring negative connotations.
e meanings associated with the phrase “abortion on demand” were in ux at
the time Roe was handed down. As we saw in Part I, the feminist movement used the
phrase in seeking abortion rights during the movement’s Strike for Equality in
[see page , the illustration of the yer]. e feminist claim for abortion “on demand”
sought repeal of abortion restrictions; the claim challenged as paternalistic new abor-
tion-reform laws based on the “therapeutic” model. ose laws gave doctors the power
to decide whether a woman had a sucient reason to have an abortion, and so reduced
women to supplicants of men and the state. In claiming abortion on demand, feminists
asserted that women were fully competent to decide for themselves whether to continue
a pregnancy, and should not have such a question decided by a stranger, even a medical
professional.
But women’s assertion of decisional authority was disturbing to many. What
feminists understood as a question of dignity and self-governance their critics saw as
an invitation to self-indulgence. Critics of the abortion-repeal movement argued that
decriminalization would allow women access to abortion for insucient reasons, and
some suggested that liberalizing access to abortion would encourage moral laxity—
sexual license, abdication of maternal responsibility, and a general breakdown of self-
and social control. us, where feminists asserted that abortion’s criminalization was
wrongful because it was insuciently respectful of women, their critics expressed doubt
that women’s judgment in matters of abortion was respect-worthy. Backlash came to
torque and ip the very meaning of “abortion on demand.”
In the early s, the meaning of the phrase remained unsettled as feminist and
antifeminist usages circulated. In April , President Nixon invoked the phrase in his
ocial statement repudiating the Pentagon’s liberal policy that permitted servicewomen
to obtain abortions in any military hospital. [see annotation on p. , brief in the Struck
case.] “Unrestricted abortion policies, or abortion on demand, I cannot square with my
personal belief in the sanctity of human life,” the president said.
Whether or not Justice Blackmun was aware of the original meaning of the phrase,
it is highly likely that he was aware of the negative meaning that “abortion on demand”
was then acquiring. In striking this original concluding paragraph of the hand-down,
Justice Blackmun appears to have decided that he would address the concerns of Chief
Justice Burger and others less contentiously, and emphasize Roe’s moderation in lan-
guage that distanced the Court om the claims of both abortion rights advocates and
their critics.
ANNOUNCING THE DECISION
In closing, I emphasize what the Court does not do by these decisions. e Court
does not today hold that the Constitution compels abortion on demand. It does
not today pronounce that a pregnant woman has an absolute right to an abor-
tion. It does, for the rst trimester of pregnancy, cast the abortion decision and
the responsibility for it upon the attending physician, whose judgment is to be
exercised, as always, upon long established medical standards. For the period fol-
lowing the rst trimester, the decisions permit the state, if it chooses, to impose
reasonable regulations for the protection of maternal health. And, aer viabil-
ity, they give the state full right to proscribe all abortions except those that may
be necessary, in appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of the life or
health of the mother.
AFTERWORD
In January , the Supreme Court declared unconstitutional Texas’s th-
century abortion statute and Georgia’s more recent “ALI”-style legislation. The
Court rested its decision on the the right to privacy, found in Griswold v. Connect-
icut () to protect the use of contraceptives. Roe v. Wade ruled that the right to
privacy protected a woman’s decision in consultation with her physician whether
to carry a pregnancy to term. The Court held that the unborn were not “persons”
under the Fourteenth Amendment but that government had a constitutionally
weighty interest in regulating the abortion decision to protect potential life. The
Court explained that the strength of this interest corresponded with the stage of
pregnancy. While the state was prohibited from restricting a woman’s right to
abortion during the first trimester of pregnancy, it was permitted to regulate abor-
tion “in ways that are reasonably related to maternal health” in the second tri-
mester, and could constitutionally proscribe abortion after the point of “viability”
(that is, when a fetus was capable of surviving outside the womb) except if doing
so would endanger the life or health of the pregnant woman.
Both the right and regulatory interest that Roe recognized emerged from
more than a decade of searching public conversation about abortion. Reasoning
about the meaning of constitutional precedent in the midst of that conversation,
the justices concluded that the right to privacy recognized in Griswold covered not
only contraception but abortion as well. e Court conducted a lengthy analy-
sis of historical precedent before declaring that the Constitution protected the
abortion decision from state interference until the point of fetal viability. But,
in explaining its decision, the Court also invoked or adverted to the judgments
of growing numbers of lower courts, the decisions of public authorities such as
the Rockefeller Commission that endorsed the legalization of abortion, and mea-
sures of popular support for liberalizing access. (In addition to the many briefs in
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Roe, Justice Blackmun had in his les the papers in Abele v. Markle, Connecticut’s
abortion case, and other lower court decisions; documents reecting the views of
organizations such as the American Medical Association and the American Bar
Association; and the Gallup poll reports showing steadily rising support for
decriminalization.)
Roe’s holding fused old and new legal frameworks. By protecting a woman’s
decision whether to bear a child until the period of fetal viability, the Court rec-
ognized as constitutional a framework at least partly resembling abortion “repeal.”
Under Roe, government could no longer ban abortion or make access to the pro-
cedure conditional on ALI-type indications (for example, rape, maternal health)
in the period of pregnancy before viability. But Roe did not altogether bar govern-
ment from regulating abortion. To the contrary, Roe gave constitutional sanction
to government interests in regulating abortion that grow with a pregnancy; it vin-
dicated these interests alongside women’s right to have an abortion through the
trimester framework, which allowed government to restrict abortion in the inter-
est of protecting potential life at the point of fetal viability. In the years since Roe,
the Court has allowed government more leeway to regulate abortion to express its
interest in protecting potential life throughout pregnancy.
Roe’s reasoning fused old and new justications for decriminalizing abor-
tion. Roe indirectly reected the abortion-rights claims of the women’s movement,
recognizing that laws that criminalized abortion inict constitutionally signi-
cant harms on women, and not doctors only. But Roe expressed those harms in
public health-inected language. e decision barred government from coercing
women to bear children, but its reasoning did not audibly express the feminist
claim ()that a woman has dignitary interests in making her own decision about
whether to bear a child, or () that a woman needs the ability to control the timing
of motherhood in order to negotiate institutional arrangements that exclude care-
givers from participation in the workplace and other arenas of civic life. Instead,
Roe observed:
The detriment that the State would impose upon the pregnant woman by
denying this choice altogether is apparent. Specific and direct harm medi-
cally diagnosable even in early pregnancy may be involved. Maternity, or ad-
ditional offspring, may force upon the woman a distressful life and future.
Psychological harm may be imminent. Mental and physical health may be
taxed by child care. There is also the distress, for all concerned, associated
with the unwanted child, and there is the problem of bringing a child into a
family already unable, psychologically and otherwise, to care for it. In other
AFTERWORD
cases, as in this one, the additional difficulties and continuing stigma of un-
wed motherhood may be involved. All these are factors the woman and her
responsible physician necessarily will consider in consultation.
Roe justied the abortion right by appealing to Griswold and earlier decisions
that protected the right to make decisions about family life free from state inter-
ference. In extending this right to privacy to encompass the abortion decision,
Roe reasoned about abortion in terms drawn from the reform debates of the early
s, emphasizing the importance of protecting a doctor’s autonomy as much as
that of his patients. Women’s advocacy helped establish women as constitutional
rights holders who are entitled to make decisions about sex and parenting without
control by the state—but Roe barely acknowledged that such claims were circulat-
ing in public debate. Instead, the Court explained and justied its holding in lan-
guage that depicted doctors as the responsible and authoritative decisionmakers,
with women as patients subject to their guidance. In Roe, the Court states:
In view of all this, we do not agree that, by adopting one theory of life, Texas
may override the rights of the pregnant woman that are at stake.
....This means, on the other hand, that, for the period of pregnancy prior
to this “compelling” point, the attending physician, in consultation with his
patient, is free to determine, without regulation by the State, that, in his medi-
cal judgment, the patient’s pregnancy should be terminated. If that decision is
reached, the judgment may be effectuated by an abortion free of interference
by the State.
....The decision vindicates the right of the physician to administer medical
treatment according to his professional judgment up to the points where im-
portant state interests provide compelling justifications for intervention. Up to
those points, the abortion decision in all its aspects is inherently, and primarily,
a medical decision, and basic responsibility for it must rest with the physician.
If an individual practitioner abuses the privilege of exercising proper medical
judgment, the usual remedies, judicial and intra-professional, are available.
In representing the abortion decision as one that a woman made under the
guidance of her doctor, the Court gured the doctor as the agent responsible for
abortion decisions and the criteria guiding those decisions as medical.
is form of talk in Roe reected modes of reasoning current at the time of
the opinion. e recommendations of the Rockefeller Commission in pre-
sented women as having a “conscience” guiding their decisions about abortion, but
nonetheless emphasized that women make decisions with their doctors:
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
The majority of the Commission believes that women should be free to de-
termine their own fertility, that the matter of abortion should be left to the
conscience of the individual concerned, in consultation with her physician,
and that states should be encouraged to enact affirmative statutes creating a
clear and positive framework for the practice of abortion on request.
Gallup polls in the summer of also expressed support for decriminalization
in terms that presented women as making decisions with their doctors’ guidance.
Gallup reported that “Two out of three Americans think abortion should be a
matter for decision solely between a woman and her physician.”
Roe’s holding and its reasoning reected dominant understandings about
abortion of the time. In striking down laws that banned abortion or allowed it in
only a very few circumstances, Roe decriminalized abortion along the lines that
the feminists and others advocated. But the Court gave only blurry and indis-
tinct expression to the values feminists argued were at stake in protecting women’s
choices. Something similar might be said of the justication the Court oered
for abortion restrictions. e Court gave constitutional approval to a government
interest in regulating abortion to protect potential life, but only barely explained
or justied this interest, leaving unstated how this regulatory interest related to
the old statutes criminalizing abortion or the claims of the contemporary anti-
abortion movement.
then-dominant modes of reasoning about abortion, at
a time when the Gallup poll reported the belief of two-thirds of Americans that
the abortion decision should be le to a woman and her doctor, how are we to
understand the outcry against the decision that steadily mounted over the s?
Our review of the debate before Roe reveals several factors contributing to the
conict over abortion that were in play well before the Court issued its decision in
January , and identies still other developments that intensied the conict
much later in the decade.
As we have seen, in the period between and , even as public sup-
port for decriminalization was continuing to grow, bitter conict over abortion
had already begun. e story of decriminalization in New York and Connecticut
shows that, even where opponents of abortion’s liberalization were numerically
outnumbered, they were single-issue focused and passionate in moral conviction.
In the period before Roe, the Catholic Church led opposition to decrimi-
nalization, organizing to support and punish legislators who voted for abortion’s
liberalization. e fact that the Church and the burgeoning right-to-life organiza-
AFTERWORD
tions were encouraging single-issue voting around abortion caught the attention
of politicians—and not only state legislators. Even as Catholics were working to
build institutions and arguments opposing abortion in secular and nonsectarian
terms, abortion’s very identication as a “Catholic” voting issue (however Catho-
lics were divided about abortion, in fact) made the issue of interest to strategists
building coalitions for the national political parties during the presidential
campaign.
And so, by , abortion was beginning to nd a life in national party poli-
tics. Republican Party strategists seeking to persuade Catholic voters and other
so-called social conservatives to abandon their traditional alignment with the
Democrats and join the Republican cause began to incorporate arguments against
abortion rights into their case against the Democratic presidential nominee,
George McGovern. Abortion rights, in this view, symbolized the new morality—a
problematic “permissiveness” that aicted the nation. ose who tarred McGov-
ern as the “triple-A” candidate who favored amnesty, abortion, and acid may have
suggested more of a dierence between McGovern’s position on abortion and that
of Republican nominee Richard Nixon than existed in fact; but the anti-McGov-
ern arguments nonetheless helped reframe abortion’s meaning.
Triple-A claims about abortion had little to do with the concerns motivating
public health reformers (who spoke of back alleys and coat hangers) or the claim
advanced by religious opponents of abortion that abortion was murder. But the
triple-A claim had much to do with feminist arguments for abortion repeal.Triple-
A attacks on McGovern condemned abortion rights as part of a permissive youth
culture that was corrosive of traditional forms of authority. e objection to abor-
tion rights was not that abortion was murder, but that abortion rights (like the
demand for amnesty) validated a breakdown of traditional roles that required men
to be prepared to kill and die in war and women to save themselves for marriage
and devote themselves to motherhood. Phyllis Schlay’s attack on abortion never
mentioned murder; she condemned abortion by associating it with the Equal
Rights Amendment (ERA) and child care.
ese shis in the abortion right’s meaning were accelerating in , as the
ERA was sent to the states for ratication, and as the question of who should
govern the nation was reverberating during the primaries and through the gen-
eral election. But it is not clear whom these claims actually reached in the period
before Roe. e claims reframing abortion that we have examined were designed
to mobilize Catholic and conservative voters. Patrick Buchanan’s “assault book”
advised the president’s campaign to send anti-abortion messages to Catholics and
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
the National Right to Life Committee convention; and Phyllis Schlay—who
had worked for Barry Goldwater in the election—sent her Phyllis Schlay
Report to a network of conservative readers. e reframing of abortion that would
take hold over the course of the s had only incrementally begun at the time
the Court handed down Roe. (e rst justice to join the Court aer Roe was
John Paul Stevens, nominated in December . His views on abortion were
unknown, yet at his Senate conrmation hearing, he was not asked a single ques-
tion about abortion.)
In the immediate aermath of Roe, organized opposition to the decision was
still carried by the National Right to Life Committee and the Catholic Church.
e National Right to Life Committee began mobilizing in support of a consti-
tutional amendment that would overturn Roe and constitutionalize an embryo’s/
fetus’s right to life, thereby requiring all states to recriminalize abortion. By ,
the National Conference of Catholic Bishops had promulgated a Pastoral Plan
for Pro-Life Activities that declared that “the decisions of the United States
Supreme Court (January , ) violate the moral order, and have disrupted the
legal process which previously attempted to safeguard the rights of children.” e
plan urged “[p]assage of a constitutional amendment providing protection for the
unborn child to the maximum degree possible,” and “[p]assage of federal and state
laws and adoption of administrative policies that will restrict the practice of abor-
tion as much as possible.”
During the years aer Roe, opponents were unable to muster broad-based
support for overturning the decision and requiring abortion’s recriminalization.
Many Americans supported the right recognized in Roe, some quite passionately.
Others believed that abortion should be decriminalized but criticized the Court
for deciding a question that might have been le to the political process. ose
who believed the question should have been le to the legislature did not sup-
port a human life amendment constitutionalizing prohibitions on abortion of the
kind the right-to-life movement was then advocating. Advocates of a human life
amendment could not nd the support they needed, even among religious leaders.
In the early s, most Protestant denominations did not share the Catholic
Church’s view of abortion. As we have seen, mainline Protestant groups approved
of liberalizing access to abortion; some approved repeal, while others endorsed
variants of the “reform” position, advocating regulation on the “therapeutic
model.” In this period, conservative evangelical groups did not view abortion as
a categorical wrong. Even aer Roe, in June , Southern Baptist Convention
President Owen Cooper criticized the Supreme Court for decisions liberalizing
AFTERWORD
abortion—and banning capital punishment—and then proceeded to observe that
the Southern Baptists would support abortions “where it clearly serves the best
interests of society.” His view of abortion was far from absolute, and expressed in
secular, not religious, terms.
When Roe was handed down, the family-values movement that would mobi-
lize against the decision and ultimately carry Ronald Reagan to national oce in
had already begun to take shape, but it had not yet crystallized. at coali-
tion did not form in spontaneous response to Roe but was instead built with the
help of strategists for the Republican Party, including many brilliant Catholic
conservatives. In the process, opposition to abortion as murder was married to
a variety of socially conservative causes, accelerating the process of party realign-
ment that had begun before Roe during the Nixon administration. When con-
servatives of the New Right began to assemble a pan-Christian coalition against
Roe in the late s, the crusade against Roe would proceed under the banner of
“pro-life” and “pro-family.”
Phyllis Schlay’s Stop ERA organization associated the Equal Rights Amend-
ment with abortion and gay marriage, using this frame to mobilize opposition
to the amendment’s ratication in state houses across the country. During the
mid-s, funding battles in Congress provided a lower-stakes arena in which
to forge new alliances and erode support for the abortion right. By the late s,
Richard Viguerie and Paul Weyrich—architects of a more conservative Republi-
can Party—were approaching such Protestant evangelicals as the Reverend Jerry
Falwell and helping them to see in the abortion issue a question that could create a
pan-Christian movement united against “secular humanism” and for “family val-
ues.” By , the Christian Harvest Times was denouncing abortion in its “Spe-
cial Report on Secular Humanism vs. Christianity”: “To understand humanism is
to understand women’s liberation, the ERA, gay rights, children’s rights, abortion,
sex education, the ‘new’ morality, evolution, values clarication, situational ethics,
the loss of patriotism, and many of the other problems that are tearing America
apart today.” In this way, a new relationship was emerging among Protestant evan-
gelicals, the Catholic right-to-life movement, and the ascendant conservatives of
the New Right. Increasingly lost in this transformation was an earlier Catholic
association of a pro-life position with liberal ideals of social justice; forged was an
increasingly tight association of pro-life with pro-family politics.
that followed Roe—between the pro-life and pro-
choice movements and between the Republican and Democratic parties—came
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
deeply to aect the Court and to infuse the Court’s reasoning about abortion
with a much clearer expression of the convictions of the Americans arrayed in pas-
sionate support and opposition to the decision.
e Court’s decision in Roe was written by Justice Blackmun, whom Presi-
dent Nixon appointed to the Supreme Court in , and supported by other
of Nixon’s conservative appointees, including Lewis Powell, who during the
Court’s deliberations actually advocated lengthening the time period in which
women’s abortion decision was protected—from the end of the rst trimester
to the end of the second. But over the course of the s, prominent Republi-
cans shied positions on abortion, acting on alignments and framings that were
already in evidence by the election. By the decade’s end, conservatives of the
New Right—led by Ronald Reagan, who, in the late s, had signed Califor-
nia’s legislation liberalizing abortion—urged fundamentalist Christians to make
common cause with Catholics in opposition to abortion and in support of fam-
ily values. ey attacked Roe as a threat to life and family and as a symbol of
judicial overreaching. Republican Party platforms began regularly to support “the
appointment of judges who respect traditional family values and the sanctity of
innocent human life.”
With Republican presidents appointing justices who might be counted on
to oppose Roe, judicial support for the decision narrowed, and by the late s,
Roe looked vulnerable to outright reversal. But the women’s movement contin-
ued energetically to mobilize in support of the decision, and in it helped
defeat the nomination of Robert Bork, a prominent critic of the Court’s privacy
decisions. Ensuing Supreme Court appointments by Presidents Reagan and Bush
seemed to provide sucient votes to overturn Roe. And yet, in —during
a presidential campaign in which the abortion right was a burning issue—the
Supreme Court decided Planned Parenthood v. Casey, a case that both rearmed
and narrowed Roe.
Casey justied both the abortion right and its regulation in terms that
reected the views of mobilized proponents and opponents of abortion rights
more clearly than Roe itself had in . Like Roe, Casey held that women had a
constitutionally protected right to decide whether to bring a pregnancy to term,
but, unlike Roe, Casey allowed government to regulate the exercise of that right
from the beginning of pregnancy in the interests of protecting potential life—
so long as the regulation did not impose an “undue burden” on a woman’s deci-
sion. Even as Casey narrowed the right recognized in Roe, it justied that right
more expansively than Roe did. Casey tied constitutional protection for women’s
AFTERWORD
abortion decisions to the fundamental liberty to choose one’s family life, as well
as to the understanding—forged in the Court’s sex-discrimination cases—that
government cannot use law to enforce traditional sex roles: “Her suering is too
intimate and personal for the State to insist, without more, upon its own vision of
the woman’s role, however dominant that vision has been in the course of our his-
tory and our culture. e destiny of the woman must be shaped to a large extent
on her own conception of her spiritual imperatives and her place in society.”
Casey’s account of the constitutional values that the abortion right vindicates
makes clear that government respects not only women’s freedom but also their
equal citizenship. Yet, Casey also listens carefully to Roe’s critics. It allows govern-
ment to regulate women’s abortion decisions to express respect for the value of
human life, so long as government does so in ways that express respect for the deci-
sional autonomy of women: “[T]he State may enact rules and regulations designed
to encourage her to know that there are philosophic and social arguments of great
weight that can be brought to bear in favor of continuing the pregnancy to full
term and that there are procedures and institutions to allow adoption of unwanted
children as well as a certain degree of state assistance if the mother chooses to raise
the child herself.” In ways that Roe did not, Casey situates the abortion right in a
community deeply divided over the basic values implicated by the debate. at
conict continues—on and o the Court.
In Gonzales v. Carhart in , the Court voted to to uphold the federal
Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of . e law had been devised by the right-to-
life movement to focus attention on abortions that doctors perform late in preg-
nancy for medical reasons; the law was designed to provoke public unease with
abortion, and it succeeded. Doctors developed the regulated procedure as safer for
the woman under some circumstances; abortion opponents succeeded in portray-
ing the procedure as a step from infanticide.
e ve justices in the majority insisted that Congress could regulate the
method doctors employed in later-term abortions in order to dierentiate abor-
tion and infanticide, and so express respect for human life. At the same time, the
opinion rearmed a woman’s right to terminate her pregnancy before viability,
as spelled out in Casey. But while in Casey the Court had, at last, placed women
at the center of the abortion decision, in Carhart the Court spoke less clearly. To
the majority, led by Justice Anthony M. Kennedy, a woman seeking to terminate
a pregnancy needed the state’s protection against making an unwise choice that
she would come to regret. e four dissenters, led by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg,
recalled Casey’s understanding that the abortion right vindicates women’s equality
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
and liberty as citizens, objected that the majority had reverted to a view of women
as not fully capable of acting in their own best interests.
e future of abortion rights under the United States Constitution remains
uncertain. e Supreme Court will again speak to the question, but the record
suggests that it is not likely to have the last word. e future lies in the Court’s
ongoing dialogue with the American people. And the documents that tell that
story remain to be written.
A NEW AFTERWORD
Before (and After) Roe v. Wade: New uestions About
Backlash
Yale L.J. ()
ABSTR ACT. Today, many Americans blame polarizing conict over abortion
on the Supreme Court. If only the Court had stayed its hand or decided Roe v.
Wade on narrower grounds, they argue, the nation would have reached a political
settlement and avoided backlash. We question this court-centered backlash nar-
rative. Where others have deplored the abortion conict as resulting from courts
“shutting down” politics, we approach the abortion conict as an expression of
politics—a conict in which the Supreme Court was not the only or even the
most important actor.
In this essay, we ask what escalation of the abortion conict in the decade
before the Supreme Court decided Roe might teach about the logic of conict in
the decades aer Roe. To do so, we draw on sources we collected for our recently
published documentary history, Before Roe v. Wade: Voices at Shaped the Abor-
tion Debate Before the Supreme Court’s Ruling (). We begin our story at a time
when more Republicans than Democrats supported abortion’s decriminalization,
when Catholics mobilized against abortion reform but evangelical Protestants did
not, when feminists were only beginning to claim access to abortion as a right. We
show how Republicans campaigning for Richard Nixon in took new positions
on abortion to draw Catholics and social conservatives away from the Democratic
Party. Evidence from the post-Roe period suggests that it was party realignment
that helped escalate and shape conict over Roe in the ensuing decades.
e backlash narrative suggests that turning to courts to vindicate rights
is too oen counter-productive, and that adjudication is to be avoided at all costs.
We are not ready to accept this grim diagnosis at face value, and we urge fur-
ther research into the dynamics of conict in the decades aer Roe. e stakes in
understanding this history are high.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
For comments on earlier dras, we owe thanks to Bruce Ackerman, Jack Balkin,
Nancy Cott, Ariela Dubler, Lee Epstein, Risa Golubo, Dawn Johnsen, Douglas
NeJaime, Robert Post, Gerald N. Rosenberg, Kim Lane Scheppele, Christine
Stansell, Nancy Staudt, and Georey Stone, as well as to participants in the Yale
Law School faculty workshop. We are grateful to Jennifer Bennett, Ali Frick,
Sarah Hammond, and Tara Rice for research assistance and wide-ranging conver-
sation. Camilla Tubbs of the Yale Law School Library has contributed in more
ways than we can count to our ongoing research.
. ’ : ....
A. Public Health .....................................................
B. Environment and Population .......................................
C. Sexual Freedom ....................................................
D. Feminist Voices ....................................................
. ..............................................
A. e Catholic Church’s Opposition to Legislative Reform .............
B. Party Realignment: Republican Eorts To Recruit Catholic Votes in the
Presidential Campaign ......................................
C. Abortion and Party Realignment ...................................
. :
.......................................
A. Claims About Roe .................................................
B. Court-Centered and Political Accounts of Conict:
Some uestions ................................................
...........................................................
A NEW AFTERWORD
When asked to name a case that the Supreme Court has decided, most
Americans who can name one point to Roe v. Wade
—a case that they are eight
times more likely to name than Brown v. Board of Education
. Roe has become
nearly synonymous with political conict. Hearing closing arguments in Califor-
nia’s same-sex marriage case, the presiding judge, Vaughn Walker, worried about
provoking backlash and pointed to the Court’s abortion decision, which he sug-
gested had engendered conict that had “plagued our politics for years.”
Like
many, Judge Walker attributed political polarization over abortion to the Supreme
Court’s decision in Roe. David Brooks charges: “Justice Harry Blackmun did more
inadvertent damage to our democracy than any other th-century American.
When he and his Supreme Court colleagues issued the Roe v. Wade decision, they
set o a cycle of political viciousness and counter-viciousness that has poisoned
public life ever since.”
Yet few who invoke “Roe rage”
have actually examined its
roots. What might the conict over abortion before Roe reveal about the conict
that escalated aer the Court ruled?
We have recently published a documentary history, Before Roe v. Wade: Voices
at Shaped the Abortion Debate Before the Supreme Court’s Ruling,
that oers
a fresh perspective on the genesis of the abortion conict. is paper draws on
pre-Roe sources that we collected for our book, as well as some evidence from the
decade immediately aer the decision, to raise questions about the conventional
assumption that the Court’s decision in Roe is responsible for political polarization
U.S. ().
U.S. (); see PENN, SCHOEN & BERLAND ASSOCS., C-SPAN SUPREME COURT
SURVEY (June , ), http://www.c-span.org/pdf/SCOTUS_poll.pdf. The survey, con-
ducted in June and September , asked respondents whether they could “name any case heard by
the U.S. Supreme Court.” In September , those who answered yes (forty-nine percent) were then
invited to name a case. Eighty-four percent named Roe v. Wade. The next most frequently named case
was Brown v. Board of Education, with nine percent.
Transcript of Record at , Perry v. Schwarzenegger, No. C --VRW (N.D. Cal. June , ).
Roe has acquired such notoriety that the case was invoked in British debates over whether to adopt
judicial review and establish a supreme court. See Select Comm. on Constitutional Reform Bill: Minutes of
Evidence (Apr. , ), available at http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld/ldselect/
ldcref//.htm (remarks of Lord Rees-Mogg) (“[Roe’s] effects, apart from the effect, obvi-
ously, of allowing abortion, were to make abortion an unfinished issue, an issue that has not been
closed in American political life from that day to this. It also strongly politicised further the Supreme
Court itself.”).
David Brooks, Op-Ed., Roe’s Birth, and Death, N.Y. TIMES, Apr. , , at A.
See Robert Post & Reva Siegel, Roe Rage: Democratic Constitutionalism and Backlash, HARV. C.R.-
C.L. L. REV. ().
BEFORE ROE V. WADE: VOICES THAT SHAPED THE ABORTION DEBATE BEFORE THE
SUPREME COURT’S RULING (Linda Greenhouse & Reva Siegel eds., ) [hereinafter BEFORE
ROE V. WADE].
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
over abortion.
By examining the conict in the period before the Court ruled,
we can see how the abortion conict changed in meaning, structure, and intensity
as it was joined by a successive array of advocates—not only social movements
and the Catholic Church
but also strategists for the Republican Party seeking
to attract traditionally Democratic voters in the presidential campaign.
e evidence that we uncover of abortion’s entanglement in party realignment
before the Supreme Court handed down its decision in Roe demonstrates that the
competition of political parties for voters supplies an independent institutional
basis for conict over abortion. Where proponents of a Court-centered account
of backlash oer reasons that adjudication distinctively causes political conict,
the history that we analyze identies forms of political conict that could engulf
adjudication.
In the summer before Roe, a newspaper column about a new Gallup poll pre-
served in Justice Blackmun’s case le reported that sixty-four percent of Ameri-
cans (and y-six percent of Catholics) agreed “with the statement that ‘the
decision to have an abortion should be made solely by a woman and her physi-
cian’”—with “a greater proportion of Republicans ( per cent) . . . than Democrats
( per cent) holding the belief that abortion should be a decision between a woman
and her physician.”
Consistent with these ndings, Roe was an opinion written
and supported by Justices whom a Republican president had recently appointed.
Indeed, it was at the urging of one of Richard Nixon’s most recent appointees,
Justice Lewis F. Powell, Jr., that the seven-Justice majority in Roe extended consti-
tutional protection from the rst to the second trimester of pregnancy, until the
point of fetal viability.
To say the least, these legal-political alignments invert
contemporary expectations, in Alice-in-Wonderland fashion.
How have we moved from a world in which Republicans led the way in the
For expressions of this view in the media and the academy, see infra Part III.
See infra Part I.
See infra Section II.A.
See infra Section II.B.
George Gallup, Abortion Seen Up to Woman, Doctor, WASH. POST, Aug. , , at A, as reprinted
in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , - (emphasis added). The column noted that
“[m]ajority support for legal abortion has increased sharply” since the previous survey, five months
earlier. Id. at ; see also LINDA GREENHOUSE, BECOMING JUSTICE BLACKMUN: HARRY
BLACKMUN’S SUPREME COURT JOURNEY () (noting that Justice Blackmun had the
George Gallup article, clipped from the Washington Post, in his Roe case file).
See George Will, ‘Strict Construction’: An Interpretation, WASH. POST, Mar. , , at A.
On Justice Powell’s role, see JOHN C. JEFFRIES, JR., JUSTICE LEWIS F. POWELL, JR.
(). See generally Andrew D. Hurwitz, Jon O. Newman and the Abortion Decisions: A Remarkable First
Year, N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. , - () (tracing discussion of viability in deliberations over
a draft of the Roe opinion).
A NEW AFTERWORD
decriminalization of abortion to one in which Republicans call for the recriminal-
ization of abortion? e backlash narrative conventionally identies the Supreme
Court’s decision as the cause of polarizing conict and imagines backlash as aris-
ing in response to the Court repressing politics.
In contrast to this Court-cen-
tered account of backlash, the history that we examine shows how conict over
abortion escalated through the interaction of other institutions before the Court
ruled.
ere is now a small but growing body of scholarship questioning whether
abortion backlash has been provoked primarily by adjudication. Gene Burns,
David Garrow, Scott Lemieux, and Laurence Tribe show that, in the decade
before Roe, the enactment of laws liberalizing access to abortion provoked ener-
getic opposition by the Catholic Church.
We oer fresh evidence to substantiate
these claims, as well as new evidence about conict before Roe that points to an
alternative institutional basis for the political polarization around abortion—the
national party system.
rough sources in our book and in this paper, we demonstrate that the
abortion issue was entangled in a struggle over political party alignment before
the Supreme Court decided Roe. As repeal of abortion laws became an issue that
Catholics opposed and feminists supported, strategists for the Republican Party
began to employ arguments about abortion in the campaign for the presi-
dential election. We show how, in the several years before Roe, strategists for the
Republican Party encouraged President Nixon to begin attacking abortion as a
way () to attract Catholic voters from their historic alignment with the Demo-
cratic Party and () to attract social conservatives, by tarring George McGovern,
Nixon’s opponent in the presidential election, as a radical for his associa-
See infra Section III.A.
See, e.g., GENE BURNS, THE MORAL VETO: FRAMING CONTRACEPTION, ABORTION,
AND CULTURAL PLURALISM IN THE UNITED STATES - () (“The state-level
reform process had exhausted itself . . . . Given how often claims about the need for ‘judicial restraint’
have Roe in mind, it is striking how incorrect are the empirical assertions that often form the basis
of such a critique of Roe.”); LAURENCE H. TRIBE, ABORTION: THE CLASH OF ABSOLUTES
- () (questioning whether liberalization of abortion law through politics was feasible once
countermobilization began; observing that between and no states voted to repeal criminal
abortion statutes; and observing that a referendum liberalizing access to abortion was defeated in
Michigan by antiabortion activists despite broad public support); see also David J. Garrow, Abortion
Before and After Roe v. Wade: An Historical Perspective, ALB. L. REV. , - () (noting that
during the months before Roe, the outlook for legislative change “looked very bleak indeed”); Scott
Lemieux, Constitutional Politics and the Political Impact of Abortion Litigation: Judicial Power and
Judicial Independence in Comparative Perspective (Aug. , ) (unpublished Ph.D. disserta-
tion, University of Washington) (on file with authors) (noting that “the brief trend at the state level
toward liberalizing abortion laws had almost completely stalled” before the Court ruled).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
tions with youth movements, including feminists seeking ratication of the Equal
Rights Amendment (ERA) and “abortion on demand.”
In reconstructing this
episode, we show how strategists for the national political parties had interests in
the abortion issue that diverged from single-issue movement actors, and we docu-
ment some of the bridging narratives that party strategists used to connect the
abortion conict to other controversies.
e material that we present contributes to the history of the abortion debate
in the decade before Roe. At the same time, it sheds light on the conict over
abortion that grew in the decades aer the Court ruled. We do not contend that
conict before Roe caused conict aer Roe. Rather, the pre-Roe history that we
chronicle is signicant, among other reasons, because it demonstrates the moti-
vations that dierent actors had for engaging in conict over abortion at a time
when their engagement cannot be construed as a reaction to the Court. As dier-
ent groups joined and changed the stakes of the abortion conict, conict esca-
lated without the intermediation of judicial review.
Understanding the dynamics of conict before Roe changes the questions that
we might ask of the record aer Roe. e dynamics of conict before the Court
ruled suggest many reasons to explore the role played by nonjudicial actors and
institutions in helping make the Supreme Court’s decision notorious as a source
of polarization. In particular, it raises the question of how the competition of
the national political parties for voters might have shaped reception of the deci-
sion. “Roe” is now a shorthand reference for positions staked out in long-running
debates over gender, religion, and politics. But is the decision a cause or a symbol
of these conicts? We conclude the paper with a call for scholarly inquiry, in the
hope that this history of the abortion conict before Roe demonstrates why facts
matter in any conversation about Roe as an exemplar of the possibilities and limits
of judicial review.
Part I of the paper oers a brief account of the genesis of the abortion con-
troversy in the decade before Roe, in which we show how abortion’s meaning
shied continuously as new participants joined the conict in the s, mov-
ing the argument from public health frames to environmental and population
concerns and nally to feminist claims for outright repeal of laws criminalizing
abortion. Part II examines how, in the years before Roe, these successive waves of
arguments prompted growing public support for liberalizing access to abortion—
and, in turn, provoked political reaction, rst by the Catholic Church and then
See infra Section II.B.
A NEW AFTERWORD
by strategists for the Republican Party seeking to persuade Democratic Catholic
voters and social conservatives to vote for Richard Nixon in the presidential
election. Even so, as Part II demonstrates, with the interruption of Watergate it
was not until the late s that Republican strategists resumed their focus on the
abortion issue as a strategy for recruiting Democratic voters and it was not until
the late s that partisan conict over abortion assumed its now-familiar shape,
with more Republicans than Democrats opposing abortion.
It is now widely taken for granted that Roe caused escalating conict over
abortion. Part III surveys expressions of this “common-sense” understanding in
the popular media and the academy, where Roe is regularly invoked as the sole and
sucient cause of political polarization around abortion. e history of abortion
conict in the years before Roe oers a rich counterpoint as it illustrates motives
for conict emanating from institutions other than the Court. Attuned to these
alternative institutional bases for conict over abortion, we can pick out features
of the post-Roe landscape that raise deep questions about the suciency of Court-
centered accounts of backlash and confront a series of puzzles about the institu-
tions and actors that have helped make Roe matter as it has.
Of course, no history of the pre-Roe period can settle the story of Roe’s recep-
tion. But it can unsettle that story, as our history does. If we are to better under-
stand Roe’s role in causing political polarization, we need a history that attends to
the dierent institutions that distinctively contributed to the abortion conict—
including the national political parties in a realignment contest. Only with such
history can we look to Roe to teach us about the prospects and limits of judicial
review.
. ’ :
At the Founding and until , when Connecticut passed a law criminalizing
abortion, abortion was legal throughout the United States if performed before
quickening. In the mid-nineteenth century, however, doctors establishing the
American Medical Association (AMA) led a campaign to criminalize abortion,
except when necessary to save a pregnant woman’s life, and by the century’s end,
all states banned abortion and subjected contraception to a variety of criminal
sanctions.
By the mid-twentieth century, the tide began to shi again. In the late
See Reva Siegel, Reasoning from the Body: A Historical Perspective on Abortion Regulation and Questions of
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
s, a group of professionals—primarily lawyers, doctors, and clergy—began to
question whether abortion ought to be prohibited in all cases.
Just as nineteenth-century advocates for criminalizing access to abortion had
appealed to medical authority, so, too, did twentieth-century advocates for lib-
eralizing access to abortion. Soon others joined the cause of reform—and by the
s, Americans were debating abortion as a problem concerning poverty, popu-
lation control, sexual freedom, and women’s equal citizenship. ese new ways of
talking about abortion were of sucient persuasive power that states haltingly
began to enact legislation that allowed women lawful access to the procedure in
certain tightly prescribed circumstances. With the meaning and justications for
liberalizing access to abortion in ux, public support for reform rapidly grew.
A. Public Health
Equal Protection, STAN. L. REV. , - (); see also JANET FARRELL BRODIE, CON-
TRACEPTION AND ABORTION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY AMERICA - ()
(examining the role of the AMA); JAMES C. MOHR, ABORTION IN AMERICA: THE ORIGINS
AND EVOLUTION OF NATIONAL POLICY, -, at , () (situating the antiabor-
tion movement in the movement for medical professionalization in the latter nineteenth century);
LESLIE J. REAGAN, WHEN ABORTION WAS A CRIME: WOMEN, MEDICINE, AND LAW
IN THE UNITED STATES, -, at , - () (discussing the motivation of the AMA to
control the public image of the medical field and the process by which “[s]pecialists in obstetrics and
gynecology claimed the moral authority of religious leaders and the right and duty to make reproduc-
tive decisions”).
T
trend toward criminalization began in the decades before the Civil War and acceler-
ated after the war. At the time of the Fourteenth Amendment’s ratification, not all states criminally
prohibited abortion throughout pregnancy, despite Justice Scalia’s recent assertions to the contrary.
See Jim Nolan, Scalia Criticizes Court’s Expansion of ‘Due Process,’ RICHMOND TIMES-DISPATCH,
Nov. , , http://www.timesdispatch.com/news//nov//scal-ar-/ (reporting
that Justice Scalia, speaking on November , , at the University of Richmond School of Law,
asserted that the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process guarantee cannot be understood to encompass
a right to abortion because abortion “was criminal in all the states” at the time of ratification). Justice
Scalia’s claim is incorrect; even scholars who oppose abortion acknowledge variance across states at
the time of the Fourteenth Amendment’s ratification. See, e.g., James S. Witherspoon, Reexamining
Roe: Nineteenth-Century Abortion Statutes and the Fourteenth Amendment, ST. MARY’S L.J. ,
() (counting, without defining, the number of “antiabortion” statutes that state legislatures had
enacted and concluding that “[a]t the end of , the year in which the fourteenth amendment was
ratified, thirty of the thirty-seven states had such statutes”). At the time of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment’s ratification, the AMA was still encountering public resistance to its campaign to criminalize
abortion; the campaign was led by Dr. Horatio Storer, who attempted to address women directly with
an antiabortion tract written for the AMA in . HORATIO ROBINSON STORER, WHY NOT?
A BOOK FOR EVERY WOMAN (Boston, Lee & Shepard ). This campaign was successful. In
the period between and , “[a]t least forty antiabortion statutes were enacted, with thirteen
jurisdictions formally outlawing abortion for the first time, and at least twenty-one states revising
existing legislation.” Siegel, supra, at . See generally MOHR, supra, at - (surveying achieve-
ments of the AMA campaign to criminalize abortion).
A NEW AFTERWORD
Public health arguments reasoned from powerful forms of authority—the
authority of medical science—and played an important role in building the rst
waves of public support for liberalizing access to abortion. In a medical jour-
nal article, Mary Steichen Calderone, a public health doctor who was the medical
director of Planned Parenthood, estimated the annual incidence of illegal abor-
tion in the United States at , to . million and argued that a profession
committed to ghting disease had an obligation to concern itself with “this dis-
ease of society, illegal abortion.”
In part, what made illegal abortion a social dis-
ease were the health harms that illegal abortion inicted on women; and in part,
it was the disproportionate burden of that harm that poor women had to endure.
Calderone noted that the near-ubiquitous prohibitions on abortion, except to
save a pregnant woman’s life, were then being evaded by women wealthy and
well-connected enough to nd a psychiatrist who might vouch for the patient’s
likely suicide unless the unintended pregnancy was terminated. She quoted a pub-
lic health ocial’s observation that the dierence between a “therapeutic” abor-
tion of this kind and an illegal one appeared articial: “Actually, according to my
denition, in many circumstances the dierence between the one and the other is
and knowing the right person.”
Implicitly—and over time explicitly—the
public health argument invoked the equality claim that there should be one law,
for wealthy women and for poor.
While early public health arguments addressed harms suered by poor women
seeking to end a pregnancy, they also prominently featured middle-class women
seeking to become mothers who learned that they would bear a child with severe
developmental problems.
Mary Steichen Calderone, Illegal Abortion as a Public Health Problem, AM. J. PUB. HEALTH ,
().
Id. at . Studies from the time period demonstrate that most therapeutic abortions performed by
hospitals were for white patients with private health insurance; low-income patients whose health care
was publicly funded were almost entirely unable to receive therapeutic abortions. See, e.g., REAGAN,
supra note , at .
This theme was an express part of New York’s decision to repeal its nineteenth-century criminal
abortion statute. See, e.g., Memorandum of Assemblywoman Constance E. Cook (), as reprinted
in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , - (noting, as a leading advocate for the repeal
legislation, that “[o]nly repeal would bring equality” of access to safe, legal abortions for both rich and
poor women); Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller’s Veto Message (May , ), reprinted in BEFORE
ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , (declaring, as New York’s governor, that if he permitted the
legislature to recriminalize abortion, “[t]he truth is that a safe abortion would remain the optional
choice of the well-to-do woman, while the poor would again be seeking abortions at a grave risk to life
in back-room abortion mills”).
Two highly publicized episodes in the early s sparked public concern about access to abortion.
One was Sherri Chessen Finkbine’s flight to Sweden in to obtain an abortion after learning
too late that she had taken a drug containing thalidomide, a substance that prevented the develop-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
A group of mostly male doctors, lawyers, and clergy increasingly argued that
medicine, not law, should regulate the practice of abortion to provide access to
women facing exceptionally dicult pregnancies. In , the American Law
Institute (ALI) adopted a model statute that allowed abortion to protect a wom-
an’s life or physical or mental health, in cases of rape, and in cases where a child
would be born with “grave physical or mental defect”; the model statute required
two doctors to “certif[y] in writing the circumstances which they believe to jus-
tify the abortion.”
And the public responded. By , a majority of Ameri-
cans supported reforming the law to allow abortion when carrying a pregnancy to
term would threaten a woman’s health, when there was a high possibility of birth
defects, or when the pregnancy was a result of rape.
In , three states passed
bills reforming their abortion laws.
B. Environment and Population
But even as public support for reform on the medical model began to surge,
new advocates entered the debate seeking more far-reaching change, for new
reasons. By the late s, these new advocates sought to repeal, and not merely
ment of fetal arms and legs; she had been unable to obtain a legal abortion anywhere in the United
States. Sherri Chessen Finkbine, The Lesser of Two Evils, SOC’Y FOR HUMANE ABORTION, INC.
NEWSL., Sept. , reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at . The other was Dr.
Jane E. Hodgson’s decision to perform an illegal abortion for a patient who had contracted German
measles, a disease widely known to cause serious defects in babies born to mothers who contract it in
early pregnancy. See Jane E. Hodgson, Abortion: The Law and the Reality in , MAYO ALUMNUS,
Oct. , at , as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at .
MODEL PENAL CODE § . (Proposed Official Draft ), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V.
WADE, supra note , at , . The ALI code listed these as acceptable justifications for abortion:
a “substantial risk that continuance of the pregnancy would gravely impair the physical or mental
health of the mother or that the child would be born with grave physical or mental defect” and a
pregnancy “result[ing] from rape, incest, or other felonious intercourse,” including “illicit intercourse
with a girl below the age of .” Id. These proposed exceptions to blanket criminalization did little
to make legal abortions available to most women who sought them and were understood as such by
the drafters of the Code. Professor Louis B. Schwartz, the Model Penal Code’s co-reporter, observed
with evident dismay in a article that “the Code’s inhibitions on abortion still amount to a very
substantial restriction of freedom. It is difficult to formulate a secular justification for this restriction,
at least as applied to interruptions of pregnancy at an early stage for reasons that are persuasive to a
large proportion of the population.” Louis B. Schwartz, Morals Offenses and the Model Penal Code,
COLUM. L. REV. , ().
See DAVID J. GARROW, LIBERTY AND SEXUALITY: THE RIGHT TO PRIVACY AND THE
MAKING OF ROE V. WADE - (); Austin C. Wehrwein, Abortion Reform Supported in Poll:
Most Catholics Are Found To Favor Liberalization, N.Y. TIMES, Apr. , , at (finding support
for decriminalizing abortion for ALI-type justifications, including “[h]ealth, per cent; rape, per
cent; deformed baby, per cent; low income, per cent; unmarried, per cent; birth control, per
cent”).
See GARROW, supra note , at ; infra notes - and accompanying text.
A NEW AFTERWORD
reform, laws banning abortion. And they oered a wholly new set of arguments
for decriminalizing abortion.
A new environmental movement raised alarms about the impact of a grow-
ing population on the earth’s nite resources. e organization Zero Population
Growth (ZPG) was founded in in response to environmental concerns.
Within a few years, it had , members in three hundred chapters. Envi-
ronmentalists took “population control,” which initially developed as a way of
talking about birth control for the poor,
and transformed it into a universal
prescription—a goal that all families needed to embrace in order to protect the
resources of the planet from the blight of overpopulation. Now, ecological argu-
ments about overpopulation supported demands for abortion repeal. An early
ZPG recruiting brochure declared that “no responsible family should have more
than two children” and that “[a]ll methods of birth control, including legalized
abortion, should be freely available—and at no cost in poverty cases.”
Paul R.
Ehrlich’s e Population Bomb became a bestseller in with its dire warnings
of imminent famine unless the world’s population was brought under control, by
drastic measures if necessary. Written by a biologist at the suggestion of the head
of the Sierra Club, the book sold two million copies. Its author argued that while
contraception was more desirable than abortion, “in many cases abortion is much
more desirable than childbirth.”
e Population Bomb warned of the threat that an overpopulated planet
posed to the environment. But there were other aspects of its argument that may
have promoted its spectacular sales. e book attacked the core assumption jus-
tifying the criminalization of contraception and abortion—that sex was legiti-
mately practiced only for the sake of procreation—and argued for policies that
would separate sex and reproduction for the public good. In his book, Ehrlich
maintained that while childbearing needed to be regulated for the good of soci-
ety, sex separated from procreation existed to be enjoyed by each individual “as an
important and extremely pleasurable aspect of being human.”
See BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at (describing one strain of early public dialogue about
overpopulation that worried about poor Americans having more children than they were able to sup-
port). On the history of birth control as a prescription for the poor, see MATTHEW CONNELLY,
FATAL MIS-CONCEPTION: THE STRUGGLE TO CONTROL WORLD POPULATION, at
xii () (presenting a history of “the most ambitious population control schemes” that “aimed to
remake humanity by controlling the population of the world, typically by reducing the fertility of
poor people and poor countries”).
Brochure, Zero Population Growth, reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , .
PAUL R. EHRLICH, THE POPULATION BOMB ().
Id. at .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
C. Sexual Freedom
While the environmental movement oered the public a new way of talking
about nonprocreative sex as a public good, even as a social obligation, new ways of
thinking about sex were already in the air.
In the three weeks aer Helen Gurley
Brown published Sex and the Single Girl in , advising unmarried women how
to have fullling sex lives,
the book sold over two million copies.
In ,
Mary Calderone le her job as medical director of Planned Parenthood to found
the Sex Information and Education Council of the United States, Inc. (SIECUS),
which would play a pioneering and controversial role in establishing sex-education
programs for youth and adults.
Politicians, lawyers, and academics in both England and the United States
had begun to debate the law’s role in regulating adult consensual sexual relations;
increasingly, prominent authorities questioned whether the criminal law was the
proper means of enforcing the marital and procreative purposes of sex.
ese
See, e.g., DAVID ALLYN, MAKE LOVE, NOT WAR: THE SEXUAL REVOLUTION ();
JANE F. GERHARD, DESIRING REVOLUTION: SECOND-WAVE FEMINISM AND THE
REWRITING OF AMERICAN SEXUAL THOUGHT, TO ().
HELEN GURLEY BROWN, SEX AND THE SINGLE GIRL ().
See Laurie Ouellette, Inenting the Cosmo Girl: Class Identity and Girl-Style American Dreams,
MEDIA, CULTURE & SOC’Y , ().
See Jane E. Brody, Mary S. Calderone, Advocate of Sexual Education, Dies at , N.Y. TIMES, Oct. ,
, § , at .
In the years after World War II, social scientists challenged traditional understandings of sex. See
ALFRED C. KINSEY, WARDELL B. POMEROY & CLYDE E. MARTIN, SEXUAL BEHAVIOR
IN THE HUMAN MALE (); ALFRED C. KINSEY ET AL., SEXUAL BEHAVIOR IN THE
HUMAN FEMALE (); WILLIAM H. MASTERS & VIRGINIA E. JOHNSON, HUMAN SEX-
UAL RESPONSE (). New scientific accounts of human sexual practice helped clear the way for
proposals to reform the criminal law. See WILLIAM N. ESKRIDGE JR., DISHONORABLE PAS-
SIONS: SODOMY LAWS IN AMERICA -, at - (); David Allyn, Private Acts/Public
Policy: Alfred Kinsey, the American Law Institute and the Privatization of American Sexual Morality, J.
AM. STUD. , , -, (). In , Britain’s Wolfenden Commission, formally known
as the Committee on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution, recommended the decriminalization of
consensual homosexual activity between adults in private and also proposed changing the prosecu-
tion of prostitution. The report’s proposal to decriminalize traditionally criminalized morals offenses
involving sex in private between consenting adults prompted the famous Hart-Devlin debates. See,
e.g., Peter Cane, Taking Law Seriously: Starting Points of the Hart/Devlin Debate, J. ETHICS ,
() (noting that the Wolfenden committee report “provoked a famous reaction from Lord Patrick
Devlin,” who argued on principle that the criminal law should not “be limited to regulating conduct
that has direct adverse effects on identifiable individuals” and noting that H.L.A. Hart’s response,
and Devlin’s counter-response, “formed the basis of one of the most important jurisprudential debates
of the second half of the th-century”); Ronald Dworkin, Lord Devlin and the Enforcement of Morals,
YALE L.J. , () (describing how Devlin originally agreed with the central tenet of the
Wolfenden report—that public and private morality should be separate—but how, after careful study,
A NEW AFTERWORD
great debates about the proper reach of the criminal law plainly had constitutional
dimensions
—in , the Supreme Court held that a state law criminalizing
the use of contraception even in marriage violated the right to privacy
—but
the debates initially played out as policy debates in the legislative arena. In ,
the British Parliament enacted two pathbreaking reform statutes liberalizing the
regulation of sodomy and abortion
, and across the United States legislatures
began to engage with Model Penal Code recommendations to decriminalize, at
least in part, sodomy
and abortion.
As lawyers and doctors debated government regulation of nonprocreative
sex, growing numbers of young people openly and unrepentantly began to live
together outside of marriage, mobilizing for the removal of restrictions that col-
leges had imposed on their ability to do so.
At a time when it was dicult, if not
forbidden, for women to remain in school while pregnant, young people’s ability
to partake in this newfound sexual freedom oen depended upon the availability
of contraception and abortion. A guide for college students about sex, contracep-
tion, and abortion, published at Yale in exemplied the era’s increasing can-
dor about sex and its consequences. e project originated with a student group
at Yale shortly aer the college opened its doors to female undergraduates in .
Abortion in Connecticut at the time was illegal except to save a woman’s life. But
the student-published pamphlet, Sex and the Yale Student, which in later, generic
he “ended in the conviction that these ideals were not only questionable, but wrong”). In this same
period, in the United States, Herbert Wechsler led the American Law Institute in preparing a draft
Model Penal Code that reformed regulation of sodomy and abortion. See Anders Walker, American
Oresteia: Herbert Wechsler, the Model Penal Code, and the Uses of Revenge, WIS. L. REV. , -
.
See Thomas I. Emerson, Nine Justices in Search of a Doctrine, MICH. L. REV. , () (“It
is conceivable that sometime in the future, as mores change and knowledge of the problem grows, all
sexual activities of two consenting adults in private will be brought within the right of privacy.”); Har-
riet F. Pilpel, Sex vs. the Law: A Study in Hypocrisy, HARPER’S MAG., Jan. , at , - (quoting a
Catholic scholar, Father John Courtney Murray, criticizing Connecticut’s prohibition against contra-
ception as “unenforceable without police invasion of the bedroom” and “therefore indefensible”).
Griswold v. Connecticut, U.S. (). Connecticut was an outlier, having retained on the
books its law that made the use of contraception a crime subject to fine and imprisonment. The
state courts had upheld the law, and the legislature had rejected repeated efforts to amend or repeal it.
See Poe v. Ullman, U.S. , () (recounting the statute’s history).
Abortion Act, , c. , § (Eng.); Sexual Offenses Act, , c. , § (Eng.).
See ESKRIDGE, supra note , at -, .
See infra notes - and accompanying text; see also BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at
(noting that shortly after the ALI published recommendations for abortion reform, twelve states
adopted them, at least in part).
See ALLYN, supra note , at ; BETH BAILEY, SEX IN THE HEARTLAND - (); Judy
Klemesrud, An Arrangement: Living Together for Convenience, Security, Sex, N.Y. TIMES, Mar. , ,
at (discussing the increasing prevalence of the “arrangement”—nonmarried, college-student cou-
ples living together).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
editions was distributed nationally, spoke frankly about abortion and made it
clear that the university’s health service would help a student make arrangements
for a safe abortion if that was her desire.
In other words, abortion was no longer a topic to be discussed solely in a medi-
calized frame, as a solution to a compromised pregnancy or a preferable alternative
to the back alley. It was now presented with increasing openness as an armative
aspect of social policy—not necessarily to be welcomed but to be recognized as an
inevitable piece of the full picture of human sexuality, as one of the facts of life.
D. Feminist Voices
Absent from our narrative so far is any mention of a feminist claim for reform
of abortion laws. Perhaps surprisingly, nearly a decade passed between early calls
for abortion reform and the entry of the women’s movement into the debate about
abortion. e women who organized during the s to press for equal access
to higher education, opportunity in the workplace, and social policies, including
childcare, that would enable women to combine motherhood and career, did not
initially understand abortion to be a central part of their project. Indeed, not all of
the women who advocated for an end to sex discrimination supported the inclu-
sion of abortion liberalization on the agenda.
However, in the late s, many
feminists began to view challenging policies concerning childbearing as essential
to women’s equality and to advocate for the decriminalization of abortion.
ey
changed the face of a movement initially led by male doctors.
STUDENT COMM. ON HUMAN SEXUALITY, SEX AND THE YALE STUDENT (), as
reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at -.
One group of women split off from the National Organization for Women (NOW) in to form
the Women’s Equity Action League (WEAL), which lobbied and litigated for educational and work-
place equality but did not make abortion liberalization a part of its platform. See BEFORE ROE V.
WADE, supra note , at ; see also NINIA BAEHR, ABORTION WITHOUT APOLOGY: A RADI-
CAL HISTORY FOR THE ’S, at () (noting that the more conservative women who left
NOW to form WEAL considered abortion reform “a ‘women’s liberation’ issue more than a ‘women’s
rights’ issue”). But see NOW, NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN BILL OF RIGHTS
(), reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , -.
For an account tracing the evolution of constitutional claims for repeal of abortion laws from the
medical model to the women’s rights model and showing the social understandings informing early
feminist arguments for control over childbearing decisions, see generally Reva B. Siegel, Roe’s Roots:
The Women’s Rights Claims That Engendered Roe, B.U. L. REV. (). See also id. at -
(“Framed as part of a challenge to the social organization of sex and motherhood, the abortion rights
claim was an incendiary cocktail of gender justice claims.”).
For example, the Association for the Study of Abortion was founded in by two obstetrician-
gynecologists, Alan F. Guttmacher and Robert E. Hall. See BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at
. As Christine Stansell vividly describes it: “The male professionals who led the repeal movement
A NEW AFTERWORD
Betty Friedan, founding president of the National Organization for Women
(NOW), was one of the rst leaders of the women’s movement to make an explic-
itly feminist claim for the right to abortion and to embrace the abortion-rights
cause as a feminist cause. In February , she traveled to Chicago to address
the First National Conference on Abortion Laws, sponsored by a group called
the Illinois Citizens for the Medical Control of Abortion. ere she called for a
“new stage in your movement, which is now mine.”
is new stage would no
longer seek reform of existing abortion laws—“[r]eform is something dreamed up
by men”—but outright repeal.
Friedan told the delegates:
[M]y only claim to be here, is our belated recognition, if you will, that there
is no freedom, no equality, no full human dignity and personhood possible
for women until we assert and demand the control over our own bodies, over
our own reproductive process. . . .
. . . .
. . . Women are denigrated in this country, because women are not decid-
ing the conditions of their own society and their own lives. Women are not
taken seriously as people. Women are not seen seriously as people. So this is
the new name of the game on the question of abortion: that women’s voices
are heard.
46
Repeal of laws criminalizing abortion was now becoming a powerful sym-
bol of self-governance and equal standing for women. To these citizenship claims,
had always framed it as altruistic, coming to the aid of needy women and their families. Radical femi-
nists changed the tenor of popular action from a battle to rescue somebody else (the pregnant woman)
to one led by women fighting for themselves.” CHRISTINE STANSELL, THE FEMINIST PROM-
ISE: TO THE PRESENT ().
Betty Friedan, Address Before the First National Conference on Abortion Laws: Abortion: A Wom-
an’s Civil Right (Feb. ), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , .
Id.
Id. An article in the Washington Post in the same year as Friedan’s speech illustrates how feminists
began to identify statutes criminalizing abortion as evidence of women’s social subordination. The
story reported that about a dozen young women had burst into a hearing room in which a New York
legislative committee was holding a hearing on abortion. The women, evidently impatient with the
pace of reform, shouted, “No more male legislators,” “Why are you refusing to admit we exist?” and
“Every woman resents having our bodies controlled by men,” before the chairman moved the hear-
ing to another room and closed it to the public. The Right to Life, WASH. POST, Feb. , , at D.
On the role of storytelling in feminist abortion-rights advocacy, see STANSELL, supra note , at
(recounting the “shift from she-who-was-described to she-who-speaks”). On the role of storytelling
in feminist abortion-rights litigation, see Siegel, supra note , at , , (describing use of
women’s testimony in New York and Connecticut litigation).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
feminists added another that resonated in structural and very practical terms.
Feminists argued that, because society had organized most of its basic institutions
on the supposition that caregivers were nonparticipants, women needed control
over the timing of childbearing in order to participate as equals in work, politics,
and other spheres of citizenship. In this emergent feminist understanding, women
were entitled to participate equally with men in all spheres of citizenship, without
having to abstain from sexual relations to do so.
In contrast to the early medical reformers or even the population-control
advocates who followed, the women’s movement made claims about abortion that
challenged the fundamental norms, institutions, and arrangements of American
social life. e right to abortion gured prominently in the “Strike for Equal-
ity” that Friedan organized the following year to mark the ieth anniversary of
women’s surage, August , . e message of the marches and demonstra-
tions that took place around the country was that the right to vote had not led to
true equality for women. What was needed, Friedan declared, was a “revolution”
to “restructure the institutions and conditions that oppress all women now.”
e “strike” was designed to be a “day of abstention from so-called women’s
work,” a day that women would spend “analyzing the conditions which keep
us from being all we might be.”
In cities across the nation, tens of thousands
marched under banners that sought equal employment opportunities for women
and proclaimed a right to “abortion on demand” and “free -hour child care.”
e event received substantial news coverage.
e feminist embrace of the abor-
tion-rights cause was now increasingly visible. Signicantly, the feminists’ rhetoric
linked abortion not only to the interests and desires of women but also to the call
for a revolution in the organization of work and family life—far from the public
health model that had dominated discussion of abortion only a few years earlier.
It is in this context that the feminists’ call for abortion’s legalization should be
understood: not as a free-standing demand, but as part of a much broader chal-
See, e.g., Brief for New Women Lawyers et al. as Amici Curiae Supporting Petitioners, Roe v. Wade,
U.S. () (No. -), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , -
(arguing that laws depriving women of control over their reproductive lives disabled women from full
participation in the economy and society at large); Siegel, supra note , at -.
Betty Friedan, Call to Women’s Strike for Equality (Aug. , ), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V.
WADE, supra note , at , .
Id. at .
For the image of a flyer distributed after the Women’s Strike for Equality and reprinting its slogans,
see BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at .
See, e.g., Linda Charlton, Women March Down Fifth in Equality Drive, N.Y. TIMES, Aug. , , at
A. For sources offering media history and other accounts of the strike, see BEFORE ROE V. WADE,
supra note , at -.
A NEW AFTERWORD
lenge to the role that society prescribed for women in the home, in the workplace,
and across the life course.
And it was in this broader context that the femi-
nist engagement with the abortion issue was understood by those who responded
with alarm and with growing determination to stem the tide of change. Within
the space of a few short years, abortion had evolved from a subject that doctors
discussed with paternalist concern to a subject that sparked passionate argument
about women’s roles and rights.
Feminists began to speak not only to the public but also to the courts in a new
manner. e earliest challenges to criminal abortion statutes attacked the laws on
vagueness grounds; doctors who faced legal jeopardy if they interpreted a prohibi-
tion too narrowly or an exception too broadly invoked the Constitution defen-
sively.
Feminist lawyers now began to assert claims armatively, in lawsuits
sounding in a very dierent register, as litigation challenging nineteenth-century
abortion bans in New York
and in Connecticut illustrated.
Feminist suits
expressed constitutional objections to abortion bans on grounds of liberty and
equality,
and openly asserted claims of sexual freedom. As Nancy Stearns, repre-
senting the plaintis in the challenge against New York’s abortion ban, observed
in her brief, “It is impossible to separate the fact of pregnancy from the sexual
relations that precede it. Just as the inability to obtain contraceptives cannot but
aect the sexual relations of a couple, the inability to terminate an accidental preg-
nancy has the same destructive eects.”
Enactment of a statute repealing New
York’s abortion ban in rendered the New York suit moot, but the movement
then led suit in Connecticut, where the state legislature had refused repeatedly
to modify its nineteenth-century statute.
e pamphlet that the Connecticut lawyers designed to recruit plaintis—
whose numbers climbed, over the course of the litigation, from to
—
See Reva B. Siegel, Constitutional Culture, Social Movement Conflict and Constitutional Change: The
Case of the De Facto ERA, CALIF. L. REV , - () (locating strike demands in the
feminist movement’s larger aims).
E.g., United States v. Vuitch, U.S. ().
Abramowicz v. Lefkowitz, F. Supp. (S.D.N.Y. ).
Abele v. Markle, F. Supp. (D. Conn. ) (frequently referred to as “Women v. Connecti-
cut”); see Siegel, supra note , at - (tracing the shift from litigation on the medical model to
litigation on the women’s rights model). For documents from all sides of the conflict in New York and
Connecticut, see BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at -.
See Siegel, supra note , at -.
Plaintiffs’ Brief, Abramowicz, F. Supp. (No. Civ. ), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V.
WADE, supra note , at , .
See Amy Kesselman, Women Versus Connecticut: Conducting a Statewide Hearing on Abortion, in ABOR-
TION WARS: A HALF CENTURY OF STRUGGLE, -, at (Rickie Solinger ed., ).
See id. at .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
oers a window into how the new feminist claim was emerging. “We believe that
women must unite to free themselves from a culture that denes them only as
daughters, wives, and mothers,” the organizers declared, adding: “e abortion
suit is just a beginning.”
e lawyers emphasized to their potential clients that
women should be free to have children, or, not to have children. “We want control
over our own bodies,” the organizers asserted, adding: “It’s our decision.”
e
suit persuaded a federal court to strike down Connecticut’s abortion ban, but the
governor called a special session of the legislature, which promptly reenacted the
law, raising the penalties; the federal court responded by invalidating the law once
again.
.
To this point we have examined some of the very dierent arguments
advanced in support of liberalizing abortion laws by successive waves of advocates
in the period before Roe. In what follows we consider opposition to abortion in
the pre-Roe period.
A number of historians have observed that conict over abortion reform
began in the s as state legislators considered whether to liberalize laws ban-
ning abortion—an issue of special salience to Catholics.
We add fresh evidence
to the historical record, showing that legislators began to enact laws allowing doc-
tors to provide abortions to women under narrowly dened circumstances and, as
popular support for liberalizing access to abortion steadily continued to grow,
Catholics began to mobilize state by state and on a national basis.
To this account of the abortion conict before Roe, we add another dimen-
sion of the conict that historians have largely overlooked: abortion was entangled
in the competition of national political parties for voters in the years before the
Court ruled. As Catholics began to show single-issue interest in abortion, strate-
gists for the Republican Party urged Richard Nixon to include attacks on “abor-
tion on demand” in his quest for the White House in in order to recruit
WOMEN VS. CONNECTICUT ORGANIZING PAMPHLET (), reprinted in BEFORE ROE
V. WADE, supra note , at , .
Id.
See BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at -.
See supra note and accompanying text.
See infra notes - and accompanying text (discussing polling data).
A NEW AFTERWORD
Catholics from their historic alignment with the Democratic Party.
Over the course of the presidential campaign, the strategy widened to
target social conservatives as well as Catholic voters, and the attack on abortion
was reframed to express not only religious convictions about respect for life but
also social convictions about respect for traditional forms of authority. Supporters
of President Nixon tarred his Democratic opponent, Senator George McGovern,
as the “triple-A” candidate associated with amnesty (the antiwar movement), abor-
tion, and acid (drugs). Attacking “abortion on demand” became a new way to sig-
nal distance from feminism and a “permissive” youth culture run amok.
e dynamics of conict over abortion in the pre-Roe period raise a variety of
questions about the logic of conict in the decades aer the Court ruled.
A. e Catholic Church’s Opposition to Legislative Reform
Arguments for abortion reform on the public health model struck a respon-
sive chord with Americans in diverse regions of the country. By , states were
beginning to enact abortion reform laws on the medical or “therapeutic” model
recommended by the ALI, authorizing medical committees to review women’s
petitions for abortion and allow the procedure if needed for reasons of health,
sexual assault, or concern about birth defects.
Colorado, North Carolina, and
California passed ALI statutes in ; Maryland and Georgia followed in ;
Arkansas, Delaware, New Mexico, Kansas, and Oregon joined in ; and South
Carolina and Virginia followed in .
In , four states (Alaska, Hawaii,
New York, and Washington) took a yet bigger step and enacted “repeal” statutes
that allowed abortion without restriction “early” in pregnancy.
en, with pub-
lic support for reform growing,
a well-organized minority mobilized in opposi-
tion and the march toward legislative reform stalled.
MODEL PENAL CODE § . (Proposed Official Draft ), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V.
WADE, supra note , at , .
See BURNS, supra note , at tbl..; Ruth Roemer, Abortion Law Reform and Repeal: Legisla-
tive and Judicial Developments, AM. J. PUB. HEALTH (), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V.
WADE, supra note , at , .
BURNS, supra note , at tbl..; Roemer, supra note , at .
See infra note and accompanying text (discussing polling data).
See BURNS, supra note , at (“[L]egislatively initiated reform laws stopped in .”). In and
, liberalization efforts failed in twelve states: Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts,
Michigan, Missouri, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Texas. See Lemieux, supra
note , at . In addition, the New York legislature, its members under heavy pressure from the
Church, voted in to repeal the decriminalization measure, and only Governor Nelson A.
Rockefeller’s veto prevented a return to New York’s nineteenth-century statute. See Governor Nelson
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
From the outset, the movement for legislative reform roused the opposition of
the Catholic Church.
e Church battled legislative reform state by state,
and
its role in opposing abortion reform in this period was public, prominent, and dis-
tinctive.
By contrast, Protestant clergy in the s who assumed active public
roles in the abortion debates tended to be supportive of reform. For example, Prot-
estant clergy organized the Clergy Consultation Service, which helped women
nd safe abortions,
while more conservative members of the faith, such as the
Southern Baptist Convention, tended to avoid politics and, to varying degrees,
to sanction abortion reform on the therapeutic model.
e Catholic Church,
however, not only opposed abortion reform; it was prepared to enter the political
arena to ensure that the law continued to reect Church teachings. In , when
the New York legislature considered an ALI bill, the Church countered with a
pastoral letter read in most of the state’s churches warning that the “right
of innocent human beings to life is sacred” and “comes from God Himself”;
A. Rockefeller’s Veto Message, supra note , at (objecting in his veto message that “the extremes
of personal vilification and political coercion brought to bear on members of the Legislature raise
serious doubts that the vote to repeal the reform represented the will of a majority of the people of
New York”); Lemieux, supra note , at - (describing the stalled efforts at legislative reform after
).
For an attack on the ALI statute authored by Robert Byrn, one of the early lawyers of the National
Right to Life Committee, see Robert M. Byrn, Abortion in Perspective, DUQ. L. REV. (), as
reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at . For one account of the activities of the Cath-
olic Church in opposing abortion reform in the years before and immediately after Roe, see CONNIE
PAIGE, THE RIGHT TO LIFERS: WHO THEY ARE, HOW THEY OPERATE, WHERE THEY
GET THEIR MONEY - ().
For accounts of Catholic opposition to ALI reform bills in Connecticut (), Arizona (), Geor-
gia (), and New York (), see GAR ROW, supra note , at -. For accounts of Catholic
opposition to reform in California () and New York (), see PAIGE, supra note , at -.
See also sources cited infra notes & (discussing Catholic opposition to reform in New York and
Michigan).
See infra notes -, .
See Clergy Statement on Abortion Law Reform and Consultation Service on Abortion (), as
reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at .
See Southern Baptist Convention Resolution on Abortion (June ), reprinted in BEFORE ROE V.
WADE, supra note , at . The Southern Baptist Convention promised “to work for legislation that
will allow the possibility of abortion under such conditions as rape, incest, clear evidence of severe
fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, men-
tal, and physical health of the mother,” id., and the National Association of Evangelicals “recognize[d]
the necessity for therapeutic abortions to safeguard the health or the life of the mother” and pos-
sibly in case of rape or incest, Nat’l Ass’n of Evangelicals, Statement on Abortion (), reprinted in
BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , . However, the evangelical publication Christianity
Today expressed deep skepticism toward the therapeutic model as early as . Editorial, The War on
the Womb, CHRISTIANITY TODAY, June , , at . For additional sources on the differences
in response of Catholic and Protestant churches, see infra note .
George Dugan, State’s Catholic Bishops Ask Fight on Abortion Bill: Pastoral Letter Read, N.Y. TIMES,
Feb. , , at . On Catholic mobilization against abortion in New York in , see Fred C. Shapiro,
A NEW AFTERWORD
the intervention prompted a rejoinder from the Protestant Council of the City of
New York and three Jewish organizations insisting that their support for reform
“was based on the same ‘concern for human life’ as Catholic opposition” and ques-
tioning whether “‘the cause of ecumenism is best served by attributing to us the
advocacy of murder and genocide.’”
In April , the National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB)
decided that the accelerating pace of abortion reform warranted intervention at
the national, as well as local, level. e spike in public support for liberalization
prompted the Church to fund a national counterinitiative. Worrying “that the
number of states in which there are campaigns to liberalize laws against abor-
tion has grown from last September to at the present time,”
the NCCB
instructed its Family Life Bureau to build a network of persons who could provide
information supporting the antiabortion cause and voted to provide the initiative
a budget for the rst year of operations of , (over , in today’s dol-
lars) to direct and coordinate mobilization and expenditures at the local level.
With this investment in , the Family Life Bureau of the NCCB began fund-
ing the organization of the National Right to Life Committee.
‘Right to Life’ Has a Message for New York State Legislators, N.Y. TIMES, Aug. , , § (Magazine),
at , recounting the Church’s support for the growth of the New York right-to-life movement and
estimating Catholic membership at eighty-five percent.
Edward B. Fiske, Catholics Scored on ‘Harsh’ Stand on Abortion Bill: Protestant Unit and Jewish Groups
Assert They, Too, Care About ‘Human Life,’ N.Y. TIMES, Feb. , , at A.
Edward B. Fiske, Bishops To Press Abortion Battle: Plan a Campaign To Defeat New Liberal State Laws,
N.Y. TIMES, Apr. , , at .
See id.
See Michael W. Cuneo, Life Battles: The Rise of Catholic Militancy Within the American Pro-Life Move-
ment, in BEING RIGHT: CONSERVATIVE CATHOLICS IN AMERICA , (Mary Jo Weaver
& R. Scott Appleby eds., ). This was the first national organization of groups that had been iso-
lated in local conflict:
T
the s, anti-abortion (or pro-life) groups had been cropping up across the coun-
try to battle abortion liberalization at the state level. Most of these groups were heavily
Catholic in composition, and they generally held meetings at their local parish church or
school. For the most part, however, there was very little contact between groups, and very
little sense of shared purpose. In [Father James McHugh of the Catholic Family Life
Bureau] sought to remedy this situation by creating a national network of pro-life leaders
which he called the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC). It was not until three years
later in Chicago, however, that the NRLC actually met formally for the first time.
I
At the same time as the Church was beginning to fund opposition to abortion reform at the
national level, it was fighting reform battles state by state. See JAMES RISEN & JUDY L. THOMAS,
WRATH OF ANGELS: THE AMERICAN ABORTION WAR - (). For the Church’s efforts
to oppose a reform bill in Virginia, see id. at . For the Church’s efforts to block reform legisla-
tion in New York, see Dugan, supra note ; and Fiske, supra note . For an account of the Church’s
effort to block passage of New York’s repeal statute, see Shapiro, supra note . Ed Golden, founder
of New York’s Right to Life group, estimated the Catholic membership of New York Right to Life at
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
In the years aer publication of the papal encyclical Humanae Vitae in ,
Catholic bishops began to emphasize opposition to abortion as a ground of
Catholic identity. Humanae Vitae reasserted the Church’s longstanding prohibi-
tion on the use of contraception, to the shock and dismay of many Catholics.
e encyclical addressed abortion only incidentally, in the course of reasserting
the Church’s prohibition on contraception in a section of the document labeled
“Unlawful Birth Control Methods”:
[Man has no] dominion over his specifically sexual faculties, for these are
concerned by their very nature with the generation of life, of which God is
the source. . . .
. . . .
. . . [T]he direct interruption of the generative process already begun and,
above all, all direct abortion, even for therapeutic reasons, are to be abso-
lutely excluded as lawful means of regulating the number of children.”
81
With protest over the renewed prohibition of contraception wracking the Church,
bishops increasingly emphasized opposition to abortion as a dening aspect of
Catholic identity,
preaching against newly proposed abortion reform statutes in
state-by-state battles across the nation.
eighty-five percent in , see id. at , and historian Michael Cuneo estimates the percentage nation-
ally at “[p]robably upward of per cent,” Cuneo, supra, at . For an account of Catholic opposition
to reform in Michigan in , which explores local organization, as well as the support, network, and
organization supplied by the NRLC, see Robert N. Karrer, The Formation of Michigan’s Anti-Abortion
Moement -, MICH. HIST. REV., Spring , at .
See BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at (describing “swift, fierce, and public opposition” to
Humanae Vitae from Catholic “clergy and laity alike”).
Id. at . Humanae Vitae addresses together contraception, sterilization, and abortion as contrary to
the sacred life-giving ends of human sexuality. Id. (“Equally to be condemned . . . is direct sterilization
. . . . Similarly excluded is any action which either before, at the moment of, or after sexual intercourse,
is specifically intended to prevent procreation.”).
See Nat’l Conference of Catholic Bishops, Human Life in Our Day (), as reprinted in BEFORE
ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , - (acknowledging that the “position taken by the Holy Father
in his encyclical troubled many,” and conceding that the emotions the encyclical provoked were
“hardly surprising,” but concluding by urging Catholics to reaffirm “the sanctity of human life” and
observing that “[s]tepped-up pressures for moral and legal acceptance of directly procured abortion
make necessary pointed reference to this threat to the right to life”); see also STANSELL, supra note ,
at - (“Retreating from a battle over contraception they clearly could not win, American prelates
shifted their efforts to upholding the ban on abortion. They were extremely successful, at first pulling
in Catholic conservatives but also liberals who ignored the prohibition on contraception yet accepted
the teaching that abortion was the destruction of innocent life.”).
Cuneo, supra note , at (“In addition to modest funding, the church provided local chapters
A NEW AFTERWORD
As the Church accelerated its campaign against the liberalization of abortion
laws, it sought to translate religious objections into secular claims. While Cath-
olics formed a powerful voting bloc in many states,
in most jurisdictions the
Church needed to cultivate allies in other religious traditions if it was to prevail.
Testifying against reform in , New Jersey’s Catholic bishops appealed to the
U.N. Declaration on the Rights of the Child and the Declaration of Independence
and quoted opponents of abortion of other religious denominations.
When Jack
and Barbara Willke published their bestselling Handbook on Abortion in , the
Willkes, as Catholics, went out of their way to dismiss the idea that “[t]hose whose
deep-felt convictions are pro-life” were “either Roman Catholic or inuenced by
that church’s teaching” and insisted that the purpose of Handbook on Abortion
was to provide “factual knowledge” that was not “religiously sectarian.”
e
focus “must be on the scientic, medical and social aspects of this issue . . . to pres-
ent the facts in a way that can inuence our pluralistic society.”
Despite these eorts at secularization, in the years before Roe opposition to
abortion was seen as Catholic.
Indeed, it was because the abortion issue was per-
ceived to be of distinctive concern to Catholics that the Republican Party began
to shi its position on abortion, in order to attract Catholics to its fold.
with meeting facilities, office equipment, and, most important of all, a seemingly endless supply of
recruits. Moreover, with their access to both the diocesan press and the Sunday pulpit, local chapters
were almost guaranteed a constant flow of free publicity.”).
See TIMOTHY A. BYRNES, CATHOLIC BISHOPS IN AMERICAN POLITICS , - ().
See, e.g., New Jersey Catholic Bishops’ Letter, reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at ,
- (“We speak today as religious leaders, not to our Catholic community of faith and worship alone
but to all of our fellow citizens. The question of abortion is a moral problem transcending a particular
theological approach.”).
J.C. WILLKE & BARBARA WILLKE, HANDBOOK ON ABORTION (), as reprinted in
BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , -.
Id.; see also Cynthia Gorney, The Dispassion of John C. Willke, WASH. POST MAG., Apr. , ,
at (discussing the trajectory of the Willkes’ antiabortion advocacy, beginning in , and their
increasing involvement in the “mission” that “gradually consumed” them “until both of them had
assumed nearly full time duties,” including Jack Willke’s election to the presidency of the NRLC in
). For an account of Jack Willke’s efforts to block passage of Michigan’s reform statute in ,
see Karrer, supra note , at (“Increasingly, [antiabortion advocates] relied on material from Cin-
cinnati activist, Dr. Jack Willke. His Handbook on Abortion, published in the spring of , became
the bible for the antiabortion movement for years. Willke’s four-page color pamphlet, Life or Death,
showing photographs of fetal remains, also became the most widely used tract.”). The NCCB also
took pains to express opposition to abortion as grounded in secular as well as denominational author-
ity, invoking “Judaeo-Christian traditions inspired by love for life, and Anglo-Saxon legal traditions
protective of life and the person.” Nat’l Conference of Catholic Bishops, supra note , at .
See infra note and accompanying text; cf. LEE EPSTEIN & JOSEPH F. KOBYLKA, THE
SUPREME COURT AND LEGAL CHANGE: ABORTION AND THE DEATH PENALTY
() (discussing public perception of the Catholic character of the pro-life movement after Roe);
infra notes - and accompanying text (same).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
B. Party Realignment: Republican Eorts To Recruit Catholic Votes in the
Presidential Campaign
In , Nixon strategist Kevin Phillips published a blueprint for a politi-
cal realignment that would solidify Republican political dominance. His book,
entitled e Emerging Republican Majority, predicted the disintegration of the
New Deal coalition that had long empowered the Democratic Party.
Phillips
famously advised the Republican Party to recruit blocs of voters traditionally al-
iated with the Democratic Party, including Southerners who were estranged from
the party’s civil rights agenda; he also observed that, in the North, Catholics—
long staunch Democrats—were increasingly open to aliating with the Repub-
lican Party.
e Emerging Republican Majority does not identify the abortion
issue as a means to cultivating the Catholic vote. But soon aer the book’s publica-
tion, strategists for the Republican Party began to experiment with just this plan.
In September , aer the California Democratic Party included a plank
in its platform supporting the decriminalization of abortion, Reverend Michael
Collins decided to protest by changing his voter registration from Democratic to
Republican and invited the entire parish in Santa Ana (Orange County), Califor-
nia to follow his lead; the priest arranged for Republican Party registrars to come
to the church aer mass, where they reregistered over ve hundred parishioners.
Fourteen other churches followed suit, reregistering a total of approximately two
thousand California residents.
California Democrats investigated and declared
that the incident was not a spontaneous movement, as it had been represented,
but the start of a political experiment engineered by the Republican State Central
Committee to see if the abortion issue could be used to cause a mass defection
of Catholics from the Democratic Party. e Democratic candidates said that
national Republican leaders were watching the experiment closely and that if it
See KEVIN P. PHILLIPS, THE EMERGING REPUBLICAN MAJORITY -, -,
(); see also James Boyd, Nixon’s Southern Strategy: ‘It’s All in the Charts,’ N.Y. TIMES, May ,
, § (Magazine), at (profiling Phillips).
PHILLIPS, supra note , at -; see also infra text accompanying notes - (quoting Phillips’s
description of his campaign strategy in his article, How Nixon Will Win).
Lawrence T. King, Abortion Makes Strange Bedfellows: GOP and GOD, COMMONWEAL, Oct. ,
, at -, reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , ; see also Howard Seelye,
Reregistration Push: Protest Packs Wallop, L.A. TIMES, Sept. , , at OC (describing the role of the
Rev. Michael Collins, “a conservative Catholic fundamentalist,” and other priests in organizing the
reregistration effort).
Seeyle, supra note .
A NEW AFTERWORD
proved successful it would be used as part of a nationwide campaign to attract
Catholic votes.
In the spring of , the Republican Party took the strategy national in
anticipation of the election. President Richard Nixon began to shi his posi-
tion on abortion. His rst such declaration came on April , , in a statement
directing the Department of Defense to rescind abortion regulations that his own
administration had implemented the year before, which permitted any military
hospital to perform a therapeutic abortion, regardless of the law of the state in
which the hospital was located; instead, Nixon stated, abortion policy on military
bases would be dictated by the laws of the states in which they were located.
Echoing the language of the Church, Nixon asserted that “unrestricted abortion
policies, or abortion on demand” was incompatible with his “personal belief in
the sanctity of human life—including the life of the yet unborn.”
e rights
of the unborn, he said, are “surely . . . recognized in law,” as well as in “principles
expounded by the United Nations.”
Nixon’s change of policy was part of a coordinated eort to use abortion
as a way of dividing the Democrats and garnering the support of Catholics and
social conservatives more generally. Just a week before Nixon’s order changing
his administration’s policy regarding abortion on military bases, his advisor Pat-
rick Buchanan sent Nixon a memorandum advising the President on strategies
to ensure that George McGovern—in their view the weakest candidate—would
defeat Edmund Muskie for the Democratic presidential nomination.
One
such strategy was for Nixon to “publicly reverse DOD”—that is, publicly to coun-
termand the Department of Defense’s decision to permit abortions on military
bases.
Abortion, Buchanan explained, was “a rising issue and a gut issue with
Catholics.”
us, even though Democrats like Muskie or Edward M. Kennedy
were actually opposed to abortion reform,
while Republicans like Richard
King, supra note , at .
Statement About Policy on Abortions at Military Base Hospitals in the United States, PUB.
PAPERS (Apr. , ).
Id.
Id.
See Memorandum from Patrick J. Buchanan to the President (Mar. , ), in Hearings Before the S.
Select Comm. on Presidential Campaign Activities, d Cong. , - ().
Id. at .
Id. Buchanan advised: “If the President should publicly take his stand against abortion, as offensive
to his own moral principles, . . . then we can force Muskie to make the choice between his tens of mil-
lions of Catholic supporters and his liberal friends at the New York Times and the Washington Post.”
Id.
Id.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Nixon were loosely associated with it, Republican strategists saw the issue as use-
ful for “Dividing the Democrats.” Republican solicitude for issues of “single-issue”
concern to Catholics might court Catholics away from their historic aliation
with the Democratic Party: “[F]avoritism toward things Catholic is good politics;
there is a trade-o, but it leaves us with the larger share of the pie.”
Once McGovern was the Democratic Party nominee, the Republican Party
used this same strategy in the general election. In May , the President rejected
the recommendations of a report on population growth that he himself had com-
missioned just two years previously,
explaining that “unrestricted abortion pol-
icies would demean human life”;
then, at the height of a campaign to reenact
the state’s abortion ban, Nixon sent a letter to New York Archbishop Terence Car-
dinal Cooke, stating his support for the Church’s campaign to restore the state’s
criminal prohibition of abortion.
But if the Republican Party rst used the abortion issue in the campaign
to appeal to Catholics as a group likely to vote for distinctive religious or ethnic-
identity reasons on a single-issue basis, Republicans increasingly reframed abortion
arguments in an eort to present Nixon to all Americans as a cultural conservative
who stood for the preservation of traditional roles and values—unlike McGovern.
By , the two candidates’ positions on abortion were in fact quite similar,
See Memorandum from “Research” to the Attorney General H.R. Haldeman (Oct. , ), in Hear-
ings Before the S. Select Comm. on Presidential Campaign Activities, d Cong. , () (emphasis
omitted).
During his first term, President Nixon, influenced by Patrick Moynihan, “became concerned with
the social effects of population growth. In he vowed to expand family planning services for
million poor mothers, ordered studies of new birth control methods, and named a Commission on
Population Growth and the American Future.” DEAN J. KOTLOWSKI, NIXON’S CIVIL RIGHTS:
POLITICS, PRINCIPLE, AND POLICY - (). “Nixon’s stance on abortion paralleled his
thinking on child care: he backed family planning for poor women but opposed abortion as a basic
right of females.” Id. at . For the story of Nixon’s shifting position on child care, see Kimberly J.
Morgan, A Child of the Sixties: The Great Society, the New Right, and the Politics of Federal Child Care, J.
POL’Y HIST. , - (), which recounts how conservatives prevailed in late in persuading
Nixon to veto a bill providing federal assistance to child care on a cross-class basis and arranging for
Patrick Buchanan to draft the veto message which “portrayed the [child care bill] as a family-weak-
ening measure contrary to fundamental American values. Government policy, Nixon said, should
instead ‘cement the family in its rightful position as the keystone of our civilization.’”
Richard M. Nixon, Statement About the Report of the Commission on Population Growth and
the American Future, May , , as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , .
Letter from President Richard Nixon to Terence Cardinal Cooke (May , ), reprinted in
BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , . The Cardinal’s office released the ostensibly private
letter to the media, likely with Nixon’s consent, though his staff later claimed otherwise. See GAR-
ROW, supra note , at ; The Abortion Issue, TIME, May , , at ; Robert D. McFadden,
President Supports Repeal of State Law on Abortion, N.Y. TIMES, May , , at A. On Catholic mobi-
lization against abortion in New York in , see Shapiro, supra note .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at .
A NEW AFTERWORD
but Republicans began using allegations about abortion to impugn McGovern for
his associations with the student antiwar movement and the feminist movement:
“[T]he ammunition which will be our stock in the campaign—the extremist, radi-
cal labels; the pro-amnesty and pro-abortion positions; the radical chic; the gut-
the-military attitude; etc.—should be held in abeyance until we are reasonably
sure McGovern has the nomination,”
Buchanan advised.
Like Phyllis Schlay, who by early had begun to invoke abortion as a
symbol of all that was wrong with feminism and the Equal Rights Amendment,
Pat Buchanan appreciated that attacking abortion was now a way of expressing
disapproval of “permissive” youth who challenged traditional role morality in the
making of war and family. In this period, when the feminist movement was just
gaining political visibility, Buchanan was only too happy to frame Nixon’s abor-
tion position in such a way as to dissociate the President from the feminist move-
ment. When a New York Republican complained about the President’s position
on abortion, “Pat Buchanan replied, ‘he will cost himself Catholic support and
gain what, Betty Friedan?’”
e reframing of abortion played a key role in the campaign. A strategy
guide for the presidential election that Pat Buchanan dubbed “e Assault
Book” ranked abortion and contraception rst on a list of “SOCIAL ISSUES—
Catholic/Ethnic concerns,” grouped along with amnesty for dra evasion in the
Vietnam war, marijuana use, and aid to nonpublic schools.
On this framing,
Memorandum from Pat Buchanan to John Mitchell & H.R. Haldeman (Apr. , ), in Hearings
Before the S. Select Comm. on Presidential Campaign Activities, d Cong. , () (annotated “I
agree with this—Pass along to our staff—RNC etc.” and signed JM [Jeb Magruder]). The Buchanan
memo is dated the same day on which Rowland Evans and Robert Novak published a famous column
suggesting that Democrats were apprehensive that McGovern would get the nomination and estrange
Catholics, once they discovered that “McGovern is for amnesty, abortion, and legalization of pot. . . .
Once middle America—Catholic middle America, in particular—finds this out, he’s dead.” BEFORE
ROE V. WADE, supra note , at - (quoting an anonymous “liberal senator”).
Phyllis Schlafly’s first published attack on the ERA in February of complained:
W’
lib is a total assault on the role of the American woman as wife and mother and
on the family as the basic unit of society. Women’s libbers are trying to make wives and
mothers unhappy with their career, make them feel that they are “second-class citizens”
and “abject slaves.” Women’s libbers are promoting free sex instead of the “slavery” of mar-
riage. They are promoting Federal “day-care centers” for babies instead of homes. They are
promoting abortions instead of families.
P
Schlafly, Women’s Libbers Do NOT Speak for Us, PHYLLIS SCHLAFLY REP., Feb. , reprinted
in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at , .
ROBERT MASON, RICHARD NIXON AND THE UEST FOR A NEW MAJORITY
().
Memorandum from Patrick Buchanan (), as reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note
, at , . The accompanying memorandum discussed strategies for targeting Catholic audiences
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
abortion was signicant as a practice of particular concern to Catholics (like aid
to nonpublic schools) and as a symbol of “social issues” of concern to conservatives
(like the sexual revolution, feminism, dra evasion, and drugs).
As the campaign progressed, Republican strategists increasingly deployed
abortion as a symbol of cultural trends of concern to social conservatives dis-
tressed about loss of respect for tradition. In an August essay for the New
York Times entitled How Nixon Will Win,
realignment strategist Kevin Phil-
lips boasted of imminent Republican victory premised on the strategy of courting
Southerners who supported Wallace in and “wooing conservative Catholics,
senior citizens and other traditionalists”
—the same strategy that Phillips had
advocated in e Emerging Republican Majority.
McGovern, Phillips argued,
had badly misdiagnosed what kinds of “alienation” would move the American
electorate: “‘e people who are alienated are the ones who don’t want pot, who
don’t want abortion, who don’t want to pay one more cent in taxes.’”
Phillips
predicted that “the Democratic party is going to pay heavily for having become
the party of auent professionals, knowledgeable industry executives, social cause
activists and minorities of various sexual, racial, chronological and other hues.”
He added that “if the real frustration is with the trampling of traditional values,
and if major chunks of the old Democratic coalition are angry at the cultural
upheaval represented by McGovern, then Richard Nixon will come out on top.”
Phillips promised that a theme that the Republicans would “attack aggressively
is social morality,” warning that in the fall campaign Republicans would be “tag-
ging McGovern as ‘the triple A candidate—Acid, Amnesty and Abortion,’” and
observing that “tactics like this will help link McGovern to a culture and morality
that is anathema to Middle America.”
In this usage, attacks on abortion were
with Nixon’s message on abortion and other issues of concern to a Catholic demographic. Memoran-
dum from Patrick Buchanan & Ken Khachigian, (June , ), in Hearings Before the S. Select Comm.
on Presidential Campaign Activities, d Cong. , - ().
Kevin Phillips, How Nixon Will Win, N.Y. TIMES, Aug. , , § (Magazine), at .
Id.
See supra text at notes -.
Phillips, supra note (quoting Don Muchmore).
Id.
Id.
Id. Pursuing such themes, Buchanan spearheaded letter-writing campaigns, such as one in Michi-
gan in September of , targeting every newspaper in the state of Michigan, “especially . . . every
Catholic newspaper in the State,” urging Michigan voters, who would vote on an abortion reform
referendum on election day, to reject “abortion-on-demand” and reject McGovern, the candidate who
supported “unrestricted abortion policies.” Memorandum from Pat Buchanan to Betty Nolan (Sept.
, ), in Hearings Before the S. Select Comm. on Presidential Campaign Activities, d Cong. ,
- (). For an account of the campaign in Michigan in , see Karrer, supra note .
A NEW AFTERWORD
about more than abortion:
Triple-A attacks on McGovern condemned abortion rights as part of a per-
missive youth culture that was corrosive of traditional forms of authority.
The objection to abortion rights was not that abortion was murder, but that
abortion rights (like the demand for amnesty) validated a breakdown of tra-
ditional roles that required men to be prepared to kill and die in war and
women to save themselves for marriage and devote themselves to mother-
hood. Phyllis Schlafly’s attack on abortion never mentioned murder; she
condemned abortion by associating it with the Equal Rights Amendment . .
. and child care.
117
e Nixon campaign saw the strategic benet in invoking abortion for its
power in signaling social conservatism; staking out a position on abortion itself
appeared to oer little benet. On August , , campaign strategists sent John
Ehrlichman “data showing ‘a sizeable majority of Americans, including Roman
Catholics, now favoring liberal abortion laws,’” and “[t]he president decided to
leave [the] matter to the states, . . . privately “arm[ing] that ‘abortion reform’ was
‘not proper gr[oun]d for Fed[eral] action’” and that he “‘[wou]ld never take action
as P[resident].’”
Only three days before, the mid- Gallup poll published in
newspapers around the country showed that “a record high of percent support
full liberalization of abortion laws,” a sharp increase from the preceding January.
In contrast to the doctrinal message being preached with increasing vigor by the
Church hierarchy, the new poll showed that substantial numbers of Catholics
in fact supported liberalizing access to abortion: “Fiy-six per cent of Catholics
believe that abortion should be decided by a woman and her doctor.”
(Justice
Blackmun included a copy of this Washington Post article in his Roe v. Wade
le.
)
In November , two months before the Supreme Court handed down
BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at . For Phyllis Schlafly’s first published attack on the
ERA in February of , see supra note and accompanying text.
KOTLOWSKI, supra note , at & n.. The memo likely adverted to the Gallup poll released
in August of , which Justice Blackmun had in his Roe v. Wade files. See sources cited supra note .
Gallup, supra note . The poll was disseminated widely. See Abortion, Birth Control Reforms Backed
in Poll, L.A. TIMES, Aug. , , at ; George Gallup, Abortion Support Increases Sharply, HART-
FORD COURANT, Aug. , , at ; Liberal Abortion Laws Gain Favor, BALT. SUN, Aug. , ,
at A. For an overview of polling showing increasing popular and professional support for liberalizing
access to abortion in the years before Roe, see GERALD N. ROSENBERG, THE HOLLOW HOPE:
CAN COURTS BRING ABOUT SOCIAL CHANGE? - (d ed. ).
GREENHOUSE, supra note ; Jack Rosenthal, Survey Finds Majority, in Shift, Now Favors Liberal-
ized Laws, N.Y. TIMES, Aug. , , at .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Roe v. Wade, Nixon won reelection with the support of a majority of the Catho-
lic voters,
although abortion was not a signicant determinant in attracting
votes.
Soon aer, when the Court handed down Roe, Nixon “directed his aides
to ‘keep out’ of the case.”
* * *
In fact, it appears to have been some years aer the Roe decision before con-
servative strategists again began to focus on the opportunity the abortion debate
presented to recruit new voters for the Republican Party. e Republicans who
assumed oce aer Nixon’s Watergate resignation were not interested in the
Buchanan-Phillips strategy on abortion: Gerald Ford initially opposed Roe but
as president much of the time avoided taking a stance on abortion (his wife, First
Lady Betty Ford, was a strong abortion-rights supporter), while Vice President
Nelson Rockefeller was known for his leadership in repealing abortion laws while
governor of New York.
See CTR. FOR APPLIED RESEARCH IN THE APOSTOLATE (CARA), GEORGETOWN
UNIV., PRESIDENTIAL VOTE OF CATHOLICS: ESTIMATES FROM VARIOUS SOURCES
(), available at http://cara.georgetown.edu/PresidentialVoteOnly.pdf.
See, e.g., David S. Broder, Study Finds Major Democratic Schism, WASH. POST, Sept. , , at A
(citing research by scholars at the University of Michigan finding that “the election was the first
in two decades . . . where issues cut more deeply than traditional party loyalties” and that Vietnam
and social issues (race, not abortion, which “played a relatively small part”) were the dividing lines);
Timothy A. Byrnes, Issues, Elections, and Political Change: The Case of Abortion, in DO ELECTIONS
MATTER? , - (Benjamin Ginsberg & Alan Stone eds., d ed. ) (finding that Nixon’s
and campaigns both aimed for broader party realignment and that “[a]bortion was tailor-made
for use by political operatives seeking to” exploit white racial and anti-elitist anger “and to use the
Republican party as a vehicle for conservative political change”); id. at (“Abortion was not par-
ticularly powerful as a direct determinant of individual votes. But it was indispensable as a symbolic,
rhetorical tool in the Republican party effort to redefine the agenda of U.S. politics and realign the
U.S. party system.”).
KOTLOWSKI, supra note , at .
In Gerald Ford’s White House, constructing a political strategy around opposition to abortion was
far from a priority. The new president’s wife, Betty Ford, was an open supporter of abortion rights, as
she declared during her first news conference as first lady, on September , . Donnie Radcliffe,
Pro-Abortion Stand Taken by Mrs. Ford, WASH. POST, Sept. , , at A. Gerald Ford had opposed
Roe in Congress but as president was largely silent, speaking out only when pressed by antiabortion
groups during the campaign; as the conservative columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
reported from the Republican National Convention in , “a proposed platform plank advocating
a constitutional amendment against abortion was whole-heartedly supported by the Ford campaign
organization but not by President Ford.” Rowland Evans & Robert Novak, Dodging a Fight over Abor-
tion, WASH. POST, Aug. , , at A; see DANIEL K. WILLIAMS, GOD’S OWN PARTY: THE
MAKING OF THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT - () (discussing the abortion issue in the Presi-
dential election of ). Nelson A. Rockefeller, Ford’s choice to fill the vice presidential vacancy, was
reviled on the Right for a number of reasons, of which his support for abortion as governor of New
A NEW AFTERWORD
In this interim period, Phyllis Schlay’s campaign against the Equal Rights
Amendment demonstrated how feminist support for abortion rights had imbued
the abortion issue with associations that could be tapped to mobilize a wide array
of cultural conservatives in politics, much as triple-A arguments had. At the
International Year of the Woman conference in support of the ERA—a confer-
ence that First Lady Rosalind Carter and former rst lady Betty Ford attended
—Schlay organized a counter-convention at which a new “Pro-Family” move-
ment protested the abortion- and gay-rights planks of the feminists supporting
the ERA.
e following year, Rosemary omson, an organizer for Schlay,
warned in e Price of Liberty: “e national leaders of the women’s movement,
who were working so hard to ratify ERA, were the same clique promoting homo-
sexual rights, abortion, and government child rearing.”
In , Beverly LaHaye
consolidated these connections by founding Concerned Women for America,
which organized large numbers of evangelical Protestants against the ERA.
York was one. See BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at -; supra notes , ; see also WIL-
LIAMS, supra, at (“At a time when the First Lady, the vice president, and the chair of the Republi-
can National Committee were advocates of abortion rights, many people assumed that the president
was as well.”).
See Allen Hunter, Virtue with a Vengeance: The Pro-Family Politics of the New Right ()
(unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Brandeis University) (on file with authors).
See, e.g., Siegel, supra note , at ; Marjorie J. Spruill, Gender and America’s Right Turn, in
RIGHTWARD BOUND: MAKING AMERICA CONSERVATIVE IN THE S , (Bruce
J. Schulman & Julian E. Zelizer eds., ) (making the case that the International Women’s Year
(IWY) “contribut[ed] significantly to the rightward turn in American politics as social conservatives
began rallying around gender issues”); Judy Klemesrud, Equal Rights Plan and Abortion Are Opposed
by , at Rally, N.Y. TIMES, Nov. , , at (describing, on the occasion of the Houston
Convention marking IWY, a counterrally sponsored by the Pro-Family Coalition that “unanimously
passed resolutions against abortion, the proposed equal rights amendment and lesbian rights, three
issues that will also be debated at the women’s conference”); Hunter, supra note , at - (analyz-
ing the “pro-family” rhetoric and practices of the New Right, including the antifeminist mobilization
around the IWY). Afterward, Phyllis Schlafly recalled:
A
the IWY event in Houston, the ERAers, the abortionists, and the lesbians made the deci-
sion to march in unison for their common goals. The conference enthusiastically passed
what the media called the “hot button” issues: ERA, abortion and abortion funding, and
lesbian and gay rights. The IWY Conference doomed ERA because it showed the television
audience that ERA and the feminist movement were outside the mainstream of America.
ERA never passed anywhere in the post-IWY period.
P
Schlafly, A Short History of the E.R.A., PHYLLIS SCHLAFLY REP., http://www.eagleforum.
org/psr//sept/psrsep.html (last visited Dec. , ).
ROSEMARY THOMSON, THE PRICE OF LIBERTY (). For more on Thomson’s role, see
DONALD T. CRITCHLOW, PHYLLIS SCHLAFLY AND GRASSROOTS CONSERVATISM: A
WOMAN’S CRUSADE ().
See SARAH BARRINGER GORDON, THE SPIRIT OF THE LAW: RELIGIOUS VOICES AND
THE CONSTITUTION IN MODERN AMERICA - () (describing what the author calls
Beverly LaHaye’s “holy war” against, in LaHaye’s words, “Bella Abzug, Gloria Steinem, and Betty
Friedan” and quoting one LeHaye follower as declaring, “It’s time now to pick up my skillet and my
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
By the late s, Richard Viguerie and other Republican architects of the
New Right had begun to focus on abortion as an issue around which to build
party discipline in Congress.
Viguerie and Paul Weyrich (of the Heritage Foun-
dation) created a “pro-life” political action committee (PAC) designed to capture
congressional seats for conservatives in the general election.
rolling pin and charge”); BEVERLY LAHAYE, WHO BUT A WOMAN? , () (connecting
the ERA with abortion, child care, and gay rights).
Richard Viguerie’s increasing effort to make abortion a central part of the New Right agenda is
visible in the growing attention devoted to the subject throughout the s by Conservative Digest,
a magazine that he founded in . See Richard A. Viguerie, From the Publisher, CONSERVATIVE
DIG., May , at (inaugural issue). Initially, the magazine all but ignored abortion, with only three
explicit references in the first volume, which spanned May to December . In one article, Ronald
Reagan praises a family for adopting special-needs children “[a]t a time when some people think you
should be able to terminate a pregnancy with . . . ease.” Ronald Reagan, The Amazing Debolts, CON-
SERVATIVE DIG., Sept. , at . One article disapprovingly quotes the First Lady’s remarks in sup-
port of abortion rights, Speak for Yourself, Mrs. Ford, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Oct. , at , -,
and a writer profiles the Cleveland, Ohio National Right to Life Committee, Sally Lockwood, Facing
Reality on Abortion, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Sept. , at , -. The absence of antiabortion
rhetoric is just as revealing, as in The Best of Ronald Reagan, a series of quotes categorized by political
issues. The Best of Ronald Reagan, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Dec. , at , -.
B
contrast, volume of the magazine, spanning January to December , mentions
abortion in almost every issue, usually more than once. The January and February issues alone
outstrip the number of references in . See Daniel Dickinson, Pro-Lifers Shock Political Pundits,
CONSERVATIVE DIG., Jan. , at ; Connaught Marshner, HEW Funds Abortions, Promiscuity,
CONSERVATIVE DIG., Jan. , at ; Nathan J. Muller, One-Issue Groups Educate Congress, CON-
SERVATIVE DIG., Jan. , at . For coverage of pro-life politics in the issues of Conservative
Digest, see infra note .
For discussion of the new significance of PACs in the aftermath of Watergate-related campaign
finance reform and the role that Viguerie and Weyrich played in experimenting with abortion as a
theme for fundraising in the and elections, see WILLIAMS, supra note , at -. In
February , Richard Viguerie’s Conservative Digest magazine profiled Paul Brown, who, with his
wife, Judy, split with the National Right to Life Committee to create the Right to Life PAC and, later,
the Life Amendment PAC and the American Life League. The New Right: A Special Report, CON-
SERVATIVE DIG., June , at , (crediting Paul Brown with “making the pro-life movement a
sophisticated political force,” which by “had become powerful enough to provide the margin of
victory” in state and national races, when “[i]n the years immediately after the Supreme Court’s
pro-abortion decision, anti-abortion Americans were, to put it frankly, politically naive”); The Pro-
Life Movement, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Feb. , at (interviewing Paul Brown and touching on
the importance of single-issue groups to the New Right coalition); The Right Side, CONSERVATIV E
DIG., July , at (noting the founding of the American Life Lobby); The Right Side, CONSERVA-
TIVE DIG., Apr. , at , (listing congressmen and senators targeted by the Life Amendment
PAC). See generally PAIGE, supra note , at - (describing Judy Brown and Paul Brown’s collabo-
ration with Viguerie and Paul Weyrich in establishing the Life Amendment PAC and the American
Life League); id. at - (describing Paul Weyrich’s role in forming Americans for Life, a campaign
finance organization with a project called “Stop the Babykillers,” whose “purpose . . . was to kick off
the New Right’s six-year plan to capture as many congressional seats as possible for conservatives by
defeating Senators George McGovern, Frank Church, Birch Bayh and John Culver as well as other
big-name liberals”). The February Conservative Digest features a cartoon depicting a woman beat-
ing “politicians” over the head with a rolling pin labeled “Right-to-Life Movement.” Cartoon, CON-
SERVATIVE DIG., Feb. , at . In March, an article notes that “[t]he true litmus test [of loyalty]
A NEW AFTERWORD
At the same time, Viguerie and Weyrich, who were both raised Catholics,
began to explore abortion as an issue that might mobilize Protestants of socially
conservative commitments,
with special attention to the South, a region Repub-
licans were targeting for realignment. During the s and s, Protestants—
Southern Baptists and other evangelicals included—did not oppose abortion as
Catholics did (in part because Southern Baptists viewed abortion as a “Catholic
issue”).
Many of the early ALI statutes were enacted in the South, where there
seems to be abortion” for a coterie of New Right politicians. Sanford J. Ungar, New Right Senators:
They’re Getting Results, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Mar. , at , .
V
and other movement strategists were frank about using abortion, among other
issues of social rather than economic concern, as a way of attracting additional followers for whom
the economic issues that motivated other members of the New Right held little appeal: “The New
Right is looking for issues that people care about, and social issues, at least for the present, fit the bill.”
The New Right: A Special Report, supra, at . Paul Weyrich put the strategic tradeoff succinctly: “Yes
. . . [social issues are] emotional issues, but that’s better than talking about capital formation.” Id. A
cover story on the Moral Majority attributes the politicization of conservative Protestants primarily
to the IRS, with President of the National Christian Action Coalition Bob Billings describing the IRS
Commissioner as “ha[ving] done more to bring Christians together than any man since the Apostle
Paul”; the same story groups abortion in a single paragraph with “attacks on the family.” Mobilizing
the Moral Majority, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Aug. , at .
F
Viguerie’s reports on efforts in to organize antiabortion advocates into an effec-
tive political force, see A New Conscience of the Pro-Life Movement, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Dec. ,
at (profiling a young pro-life activist); Pro-Lifers Train for Elections, CONSERVATIVE DIG.,
July , at (describing the “first political action conference for anti-abortion activists”); and The
Right Side, CONSERVATIVE DIG., Oct. , at (describing a star-studded National Pro-Life PAC
training session).
T
are striking parallels in the ways in which the New Right cultivated ties with the sin-
gle-issue groups opposing abortion and supporting gun rights in this period, working in each case to
encourage more conservative expression of movement politics and to bridge single-issue groups into
a politically disciplined conservative coalition capable of influencing electoral outcomes. See Reva B.
Siegel, Dead or Alive: Originalism as Popular Constitutionalism in Heller, HARV. L. REV. ,
n. () (discussing parallels between the cases of abortion and guns).
Chief strategists of the New Right Paul Weyrich, raised Catholic and a convert to Greek Ortho-
doxy, and Richard Viguerie, a Catholic, were likely attuned to the abortion issue through the Church.
See Dan Gilgoff, How Paul Weyrich Founded the Christian Right, U.S. NEWS & WORLD REP. (Dec.
, ), http://politics.usnews.com/news/blogs/god-and-country////how-paul-weyrich-
founded-the-christian-right.html; Richard A. Viguerie, Attention, Catholics: Given to ACORN Lately?,
RICHARD VIGUERIE’S CONSERVATIVE HQ, http://www.conservativehq.com/node/ (last
visited Dec. , ); see also WILLIAMS, supra note , at (“Some of the most prominent New
Right activists came from the traditionally Democratic working-class Catholic families that Republi-
can strategists had sought to attract through cultural politics.”).
For a review of positions on abortion advanced by religious denominations in the period before Roe,
see BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at -. In the period before Roe, conservative protestant
evangelicals in the South did not take a stand against abortion in the absolute terms that Catholics
did, nor did they take such a stance in the immediate aftermath of the decision. In , the Southern
Baptist Convention reaffirmed its pre-Roe statement on abortion by staking “a middle ground
between the extreme of abortion on demand and the opposite extreme of all abortion as murder.”
Southern Baptist Convention, Resolution on Abortion and Sanctity of Human Life (June ), avail-
able at http://www.sbc.net/resolutions/amResolution.asp?ID=; see Paul L. Sadler, The Abortion
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
were fewer Catholics,
and many southern newspapers were in fact tolerant or
even welcoming of Roe at the time of the ruling.
Newspaper accounts of opposi-
Issue Within the Southern Baptist Convention, -, at iv-v (Aug. ) (unpublished Ph.D. dis-
sertation, Baylor University) (on file with authors) (analyzing the rightward shift of the Southern
Baptist Convention’s position on abortion during the late s and s and noting that a “funda-
mentalist faction that gained control of Convention machinery used the abortion issue as one means
of galvanizing support for their cause” and contrasting this to the “middle ground” position the
denomination took in the mid-s); id. at v (noting that “[b]y an extreme anti-abortion posi-
tion became the ‘official position’ of the Southern Baptist Convention”).
I
was in part because the Southern Baptists viewed opposition to abortion as a Catholic
position that the group was reticent to oppose abortion categorically or to campaign against the prac-
tice:
I
the pre-Roe period, SBC leaders and clergy shunned discussion of abortion, dismissing
it as a “Catholic issue.” Following its legalization, they adopted a moderate pro-life stance.
Differentiating itself from the “Roman Catholic bishops’ . . . campaign of heavy institu-
tional involvement to enact their dogma into law,” the SBC endorsed a position throughout
the ’s that “reflected a middle ground between the extreme of abortion on demand and
the opposite extreme of all abortion as murder.” At its convention, the SBC endorsed a
constitutional amendment that would prohibit abortion except in cases where the mother’s
life was in danger, but it was not until the late ’s, following the ideological shift within
the SBC, that it actively began, through its Christian Life Commission (CLC), to pursue
this objective as part of a public policy campaign.
M
Dillon, Religion and Culture in Tension: The Abortion Discourses of the U.S. Catholic Bishops and
the Southern Baptist Convention, RELIGION & AM. CULTURE: J. INTERPRETATION ,
() (footnotes omitted). Averse to joining forces with the Catholic Church, Southern Baptists
did not enter politics against abortion until years after Roe, although there were evangelicals in the
North who spoke out in opposition to the decision. See WILLIAMS, supra note , at -; id. at
(chronicling the resistance of the Southern Baptist Convention to join the antiabortion cause in part
because Southern Baptists “were suspicious of a Catholic cause”); id. at (“While Southern Baptists
remained on the sidelines, northern evangelicals proved somewhat more willing to view Roe v. Wade
as an assault on the family and the nation’s Christian identity.”); cf. Post & Siegel, supra note , at
(quoting participants who described the inability of early evangelical opponents of abortion to mobi-
lize other evangelicals to enter politics on what was viewed as a Catholic issue).
One reason that Gene Burns gives for the success of ALI reform statutes in the South was the rela-
tively low numbers of Catholics in the region. See BURNS, supra note , at (“In the South, there
was neither a strong abortion rights movement nor a strong Catholic pro-life movement: Southern
evangelicals would about a decade later be important in the pro-life movement, but at the time they
simply were not very involved, taking little note of the issue.”).
See, e.g., Bob Fort, Abortions in Georgia To Rise, but . . . , ATLANTA CONST., Jan. , , at A
(“The Supreme Court clearly did not go as far as many might have anticipated. Monday’s decision
certainly was not that of an ultra-liberal court, and the longstanding traditions of medical ethics,
as well as basic human ethics, were clearly underscored and re-emphasized.”); Editorial, The Court
Decision on Abortion, CHARLOTTE OBSERVER, Jan. , , at A (“Our own view is that the
court has very judiciously attempted to separate the secular from the religious—and that is impos-
sible. The issues involved include the question of when life begins. Even the Church has difficulty
answering that one, and the State can be no better arbiter. Still, some constitutional guidelines had to
be established. . . . The Supreme Court’s decision will, at least, bring greater uniformity to the states’
approaches.”); Joseph Kraft, Op-Ed., ‘Conservative’ on Abortion, WASH. POST, Jan. , , at A
(“What this means is that the present Supreme Court, in a test between the rights of the individual
and the power of the state, comes down in a truly decisive fashion, on the side of the individual. Such
a choice is, of course, completely true to the principles of conservatism in this country.”).
A NEW AFTERWORD
tion to the ruling tended to identify the opponents as Catholic, oen as clergy.
As the Reverend Jerry Falwell observed in : “e Roman Catholic Church for
many years has stood virtually alone against abortion. I think it’s an indictment
against the rest of us that we’ve allowed them to stand alone.”
In the late s, conservative evangelical Protestant engagement with
antiabortion politics grew within the evangelical movement as part of a more
broad-based attack on cultural developments evangelical critics termed “secular
humanism”: “To understand humanism is to understand women’s liberation, the
ERA, gay rights, children’s rights, abortion, sex education, . . . the separation of
church and state, the loss of patriotism, and many of the other problems that are
tearing America apart today.”
e entrance of Protestant evangelicals into poli-
tics under an antiabortion banner was supported and encouraged by leaders of the
Republican Party.
It was in the late s that Reverend Jerry Falwell began
E.g., John Dart, Court ‘Out-Herods’ Herod on Abortions, Archbishop Says, L.A. TIMES, Jan. , ,
at A; Marjorie Hyer, Cardinal O’Boyle Asks Pastors To Preach Against Abortion Rule, WASH. POST, Jan.
, , at B; Lawrence Van Gelder, Cardinals Shocked—Reaction Mixed, N.Y. TIMES, Jan. , ,
at A. One leading southern newspaper made clear in an editorial that religion was not an appropri-
ate basis for evaluating the ruling, which the editorial called “realistic and appropriate”: “[T]he State
is not a church. It is the imperfect servant of the imperfect people, not the reflection of the glory of
God.” Editorial, Abortion Ruling, ATLANTA CONST., Jan. , , at A.
Opponents of Abortion March in Cincinnati, HARTFORD COURANT, June , , at .
WILLIAM MARTIN, WITH GOD ON OUR SIDE: THE RISE OF THE RELIGIOUS RIGHT
IN AMERICA () (quoting a “Special Report on Secular Humanism vs. Christianity” that
appeared in Christian Harvest Times, a Christian magazine, in July ). Francis Schaeffer helped
mobilize conservative Protestant evangelicals with a critique of “secular humanism” in contempo-
rary culture, and his son Frank helped tie the critique of secular humanism to the liberalization of
abortion law. The Schaeffers made two films, How Should We Then Live? and Whatever Happened to
the Human Race? (the latter filmed with the financial support of the Catholic Church), which helped
popularize the critique of abortion to the Protestant evangelical community. See FRANK SCHAEF-
FER, CRAZY FOR GOD: HOW I GREW UP AS ONE OF THE ELECT, HELPED FOUND THE
RELIGIOUS RIGHT, AND LIVED TO TAKE ALL (OR ALMOST ALL) OF IT BACK -, -
, - (). Francis Schaeffer was initially reticent to enter politics against abortion because
he associated antiabortion politics with the Catholic Church, see id. at , an association that the
Church itself was working to diffuse, see id. at -. See also Wyman Richardson, Francis Schaef-
fer and the Pro-Life Movement, http://www.walkingtogetherministries.org/FullView/tabid//Arti-
cleID//CBModuleId//Default.aspx (last visited Dec. , ) (describing Francis Schaeffer’s
role in leading the development of antiabortion activism in Protestant evangelical communities). See
generally WILLIAMS, supra note , at - (describing the Schaeffers’ campaign against secular
humanism as it joined opposition to feminism, gay rights, and abortion); id. at (observing that “if
evangelicals had not connected abortion to the ERA, feminism, and cultural liberalism, they might
not have shown much interest in waging a campaign against it”).
For an account of the role that Congressman Jack Kemp played in supporting the work of Francis
and Frank Schaeffer in the years just before and during the beginning of the Reagan Administration,
see SCHAEFFER, supra note , at - (discussing a meeting of the Republican Club at which the
Schaeffers showed Whatever Happened to the Human Race? to a meeting of “more than fifty congress-
men and about twenty senators . . . from Henry Hyde to Bob Dole”).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
to preach against abortion.
Strategists for the Republican Party approached
Falwell and encouraged him to organize evangelicals as a “Moral Majority” that
would promote a “pro-family” politics;
this alliance between the Republican
Party and Protestant evangelicals publicly focused on abortion but also seems to
have been motivated by evangelical opposition to IRS rulings requiring the racial
integration of Christian private schools as a condition for preserving their tax-
exempt status.
Weyrich “proposed at that rst encounter that abortion be made
the keystone of their organizing strategy, since this was the issue that could divide
See Post & Siegel, supra note , at & n. (describing Falwell’s gradual engagement with the
abortion question in the late s and early s); see also supra note and accompanying text
(quoting Falwell).
See MICHELE MCKEEGAN, ABORTION POLITICS: MUTINY IN THE RANKS OF THE
RIGHT - () (recounting that Republican strategists Richard Viguerie and Paul Weyrich
met with Reverend Jerry Falwell in and encouraged him to join the New Right coalition); WIL-
LIAMS, supra note , at , - (describing the work of Ed McAteer, Howard Phillips, Paul
Weyrich, Robert Billings, and Richard Viguerie in drawing Falwell into electoral politics and in form-
ing the “Moral Majority” organization “to register Christian voters in the hope of capturing Congress
and the White House”).
In retelling the story of the formation of the Moral Majority, Weyrich has repeatedly emphasized
that the principal motivating issue was not abortion but rather the attempt by the IRS in the late
s to deny tax-exempt status to Christian schools that failed to comply with racial nondiscrimina-
tion mandates. See MARTIN, supra note , at (“Paul Weyrich emphatically asserted that ‘what
galvanized the Christian community was not abortion, school prayer, or the ERA. I am living wit-
ness to that because I was trying to get those people interested in those issues and I utterly failed.
What changed their mind was Jimmy Carter’s intervention against the Christian schools, trying
to deny them tax-exempt status on the basis of so-called de facto segregation.’ . . . [T]he IRS threat
‘enraged the Christian community and they looked upon it as interference from government, and
suddenly it dawned on them that they were not going to be able to be left alone to teach their children
as they pleased. . . . That was what brought those people into the political process. It was not the other
things.’”); Paul Weyrich, Comments, in NO LONGER EXILES: THE RELIGIOUS NEW RIGHT IN
AMERICAN POLITICS , (Michael Cromartie ed., ) (“Certainly no Christian was going to
have an abortion, and they could teach that to their children. What caused the movement to surface
was the federal government’s moves against Christian schools. This absolutely shattered the Christian
community’s notion that Christians could isolate themselves inside their own institutions and teach
what they pleased. The realization that they could not then linked up with the long-held conserva-
tive view that government is too powerful and intrusive, and this linkage was what made evangeli-
cals active. It wasn’t the abortion issue; that wasn’t sufficient.”); see also RANDALL BALMER, THY
KINGDOM COME: HOW THE RELIGIOUS RIGHT DISTORTS THE FAITH AND THREAT-
ENS AMERICA: AN EVANGELICAL’S LAMENT () (“Ed Dobson, Falwell’s erstwhile asso-
ciate, corroborated Weyrich’s account during the ensuing discussion. ‘The Religious New Right did
not start because of a concern about abortion,’ Dobson said. ‘I sat in the non-smoke-filled back room
with the Moral Majority, and I frankly do not remember abortion ever being mentioned as a reason
why we ought to do something.’”). For another account of the role that the IRS ruling condition-
ing the tax-exempt status of private schools on compliance with antidiscrimination mandates played
in the mobilization of the religious right, see Joseph Crespino, Civil Rights and the Religious Right, in
RIGHTWARD BOUND: MAKING AMERICA CONSERVATIVE IN THE S, at , -
(Bruce J. Schulman & Julian E. Zelizer eds., ) (recounting Richard Viguerie’s statement that the
IRS decision “kicked the sleeping dog [and] was the spark that ignited the religious right’s involve-
ment in real politics”).
A NEW AFTERWORD
the Democratic party.”
As Buchanan and Phillips had appreciated, if properly framed, the abortion
issue could be employed to attract traditional Democratic voters and forge new
coalitions among them. As governor of California, Ronald Reagan had signed the
state’s ALI statute in , but his campaign for the presidency found him
running on a plank in the Republican Party platform that called for the appoint-
ment of judges who would respect human life and traditional family values.
ereaer Viguerie and Weyrich worked to incorporate Protestant evangelicals
and the Catholic antiabortion movement into a new coalition that spoke the lan-
guage of “pro-family” but was motivated by a bundle of “social issues” that also
concerned race.
C. Abortion and Party Realignment
at the major political parties have decisively changed positions on abortion
is clear. On the eve of Roe, as we have noted, the Gallup Poll reported that a size-
able majority of all Americans—by to —agreed with the statement that
“the decision to have an abortion should be made solely by a woman and her phy-
MCKEEGAN, supra note , at -; see also WILLIAMS, supra note , at (quoting Wey-
rich and Viguerie on the potential of the abortion issue to attract Catholic Democratic and politically
liberal voters into alliance with conservatives and into commitment to other conservative causes).
See infra note . Ronald Reagan was an architect of this new strategy. See infra text accompanying
note (addressing Conservative Political Action Conference in ).
See MCKEEGAN, supra note , at -. For discussion of the coalition, see Frances Johnson
Perry, Convergence of Support for Issues by the Antiabortion Movement and the Religious New
Right: An Examination of Social Movement Newsletters - (Dec. ) (unpublished Ph.D. dis-
sertation, Bowling Green State University) (on file with authors), which examines the interactions
and tensions between the NRLC and the Moral Majority and finds that in contrast to the author’s
hypothesis, the most important link between the two groups is not abortion but rather support for the
same candidates. For ways that the “social issues” agenda linked sex and race, see supra note , which
recounts the role that concern about preserving segregated Christian schools played in motivating
leaders of the religious right to enter politics in opposition to abortion, and infra notes - and
accompanying text, which discuss how the “social issues” agenda of the New Right related concerns of
race and sex. See also Richard J. Meagher, Backlash: Race, Sexuality, and American Conservatism, POL-
ITY () (reviewing JOSEPH E. LOWNDES, RACE AND THE SOUTHERN ORIGINS OF
MODERN CONSERVATISM: FROM THE NEW DEAL TO THE NEW RIGHT (); RIGHT-
WARD BOUND: MAKING AMERICA CONSERVATIVE IN THE S (Bruce J. Schulman &
Julian E. Zelizer eds., )).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
sician”; of Republicans supported that categorical statement compared with
of Democrats.
Today, of course, it is the Republican Party that opposes
constitutional protections for abortion, and the Democratic Party that supports
them.
When did the parties’ change of positions on abortion occur? It all depends
on the indicia that one considers. But by several measures the partisan polariza-
tion on abortion that prevails today developed years aer Roe was handed down.
e parties’ exchange of positions on abortion and the timing of the change sug-
gest that the competition of national parties for voters played an important part
in polarization around abortion and so likely played an important part in making
Roe meaningful.
Polarization of the national parties over abortion did not appear at the time of
Roe but took shape years aer. While party platforms began to diverge on abortion
in the s,
it took years aer Roe for Republicans to vote more consistently
Gallup, supra note , at .
See Lydia Saad, Republicans’, Dems’ Abortion Views Grow More Polarized, GALLUP (Mar. ,
), http://www.gallup.com/poll//republicans-dems-abortion-views-grow-polarized.
aspx?version=print. According to the Gallup Poll discussed by Saad, of Republicans say that abor-
tion should be legal “under any circumstances,” compared with of Democrats. When the question
is whether abortion should be “illegal in all circumstances,” the partisan polarity is almost exactly
reversed: of Republicans agree, compared with of Democrats. Note that after , Gallup
changed the way in which it posed the question. Whereas in Gallup asked whether respondents
thought that “the decision to have an abortion should be made solely by a woman and her physician,”
in Gallup asked whether “abortions should be legal ‘under any circumstances,’ legal ‘only under
certain circumstances,’ or ‘illegal in all circumstances.’” Id.
In its platform, the Republican Party’s critique of the Supreme Court was mild and appeared
to acknowledge that Republicans were not all of the same mind on abortion: “The Republican Party
favors a continuance of the public dialogue on abortion and supports the efforts of those who seek
enactment of a constitutional amendment to restore protection of the right to life for unborn chil-
dren.” REPUBLICAN NAT’L COMM., REPUBLICAN PARTY PLATFORM OF (), avail-
able at http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=. The platform continued to
ascribe some value to debate while also endorsing explicitly antiabortion positions:
W
we recognize differing views on this question among Americans in general—and in
our own Party—we affirm our support of a constitutional amendment to restore protection
of the right to life for unborn children. We also support the Congressional efforts to restrict
the use of taxpayers’ dollars for abortion. . . . We will work for the appointment of judges at
all levels of the judiciary who respect traditional family values and the sanctity of innocent
human life.
REPUBLICAN
NAT’L COMM., REPUBLICAN PARTY PLATFORM OF ()
[hereinafter REPUBLICAN PARTY PLATFORM OF ], available at http://www.presidency.
ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=. In , the platform proclaimed that “[t]he unborn child has
a fundamental individual right to life which cannot be infringed.” REPUBLICAN NAT’L COMM.,
REPUBLICAN PARTY PLATFORM OF (), available at http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/
ws/index.php?pid=.
T
Democrats also began mildly and quickly moving in the opposite direction as the
party gradually aligned itself with support for abortion rights. The platform said: “We fully
A NEW AFTERWORD
against abortion than Democrats, a shi that seems to have begun with party lead-
ers and then spread to its base. Greg Adams, examining abortion-related votes in
Congress from through as a measure of the abortion views of the politi-
cal system’s elites, concluded that it was not until (perhaps not coincidentally,
at the same time Weyrich and Viguerie organized pro-life PACs
) that congres-
sional Republicans began to vote against abortion at a higher rate than Democrats
in Congress. Adams observes: “Up until , for instance, Senate Republicans
were split over abortion in about the same proportion as House Democrats. Look-
ing across both chambers, abortion was not a particularly partisan issue. From
on, though, the two groups diverge. Senate Republicans become increasingly
more pro-life, while House Democrats grow more pro-choice.”
Congressional
Democrats and Republicans “were only moderately divided over abortion during
the s but became extremely polarized by the latter half of the s. Only
aer Republicans in Congress began to vote systematically against abortion did
polling reveal members of the Republican Party to be more opposed to abortion
than members of the Democratic Party. Extrapolating from answers to questions
about abortion posed to Americans since by the General Social Surveys
(GSS), Adams nds that “Republicans were more pro-choice than Democrats up
recognize the religious and ethical nature of the concerns which many Americans have on the sub-
ject of abortion. We feel, however, that it is undesirable to attempt to amend the U.S. Constitution
to overturn the Supreme Court decision in this area.” DEMOCRATIC NAT’L COMM., DEMO-
CRATIC PARTY PLATFORM OF (), available at http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/
ws/index/php?pid=. The platform declared that “[t]he Democratic Party supports the
Supreme Court decision on abortion rights as the law of the land and opposes any constitu-
tional amendment to restrict or overturn that decision.” DEMOCRATIC NAT’L COMM., DEM-
OCRATIC PARTY PLATFORM OF (), available at http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/
ws/index/php?pid=; see also CHRISTINA WOLBRECHT, THE POLITICS OF WOMEN’S
RIGHTS: PARTIES, POSITIONS, AND CHANGE - () (describing party platforms,
including positions on abortion).
See supra notes - and accompanying text.
Greg D. Adams, Abortion: Evidence of an Issue Evolution, AM. J. POL. SCI. , (). By the
early s, Democratic members of Congress were voting the abortion-rights position eighty percent
of the time, while Republicans took the right-to-life position by the same margin. Id. at , fig..
The appendix to the Adams article includes dozens of abortion-related votes during the period from
to . Id. app. at (listing votes by bill number). After Roe, opponents of abortion raised the
issue in Congress on a variety of grounds, including constitutional amendments, funding, and other
issues. For example, various versions of a proposed constitutional amendment to overturn Roe have
been introduced regularly in Congress. See Human Life Amendment Highlights, United States Congress
(-), NAT’L COMM. FOR A HUMAN LIFE AMENDMENT, http://www.nchla.org/data-
source/idocuments/HLAhghlts.pdf (last visited Jan. , ). The congressional debate over federal
funding of abortions through the Medicaid program also began early, with frequent votes. See Public
Funding for Abortion: Medicaid and the Hyde Amendment, NAT’L ABORTION FED’N (), http://
www.prochoice.org/pubs_research/publications/downloads/about_abortion/public_funding.pdf.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
until the late s.”
Gallup polling data support Adams’s analysis of the GSS. Only aer does
Gallup consistently show more Democrats than Republicans supporting access to
abortion.
Another researcher, drawing on longitudinal polling data from the
National Election Study, sets the date of realignment even later, concluding that
“it is only since that Democrats have been consistently more pro-choice than
Republicans. Prior to that, partisan dierences were slight.”
Only gradually
have we come to “a system in which pro-choice citizens generally identify them-
selves as Democrats and pro-life citizens generally identify as Republicans.”
e scholars who have studied party polarization around abortion suggest
that the change in position of the Republican and Democratic parties appears to
have resulted from the eorts of party leaders rather than from pressure by party
Adams, supra note , at -. The GSS asks respondents whether they would support abortion
as a legal option for a woman under any of six circumstances: “(a) If there is a strong chance of a seri-
ous defect in the baby? (b) If she is married and does not want any more children? (c) If the woman’s
own health is seriously endangered by the pregnancy? (d) If the family has a very low income and can-
not afford any more children? (e) If she became pregnant as a result of rape? (f) If she is not married
and does not want to marry the man?” Id. at n..
Gallup offers the following graph:
S
supra note . In Gallup polls from until , Democrats and Republicans gave identical
answers, within the margin of sampling error, to the question of whether abortion should be legal
under any circumstances. In , of each group answered “yes.” Only after that did the parties
diverge on the question, with Democratic support rising somewhat erratically over the next twenty
years while Republican support fell steadily and sharply. Even in , answers by Democrats and
Republicans to the question of whether abortion should be legal “under certain circumstances” were
statistically identical at slightly over . Id.; cf. Samantha Luks & Michael Salamone, Abortion, in
PUBLIC OPINION AND CONSTITUTIONAL CONTROVERSY , - (Nathaniel Persily,
Jack Citrin & Patrick J. Egan eds., ) (“After , attitudes diverged, with Republicans (and to
a lesser extent, Independents) becoming increasingly opposed to abortion, while Democrats became
somewhat more supportive of abortion.”).
Paul Freedman, Framing the Abortion Debate: Public Opinion and the Manipulation of Ambiva-
lence () (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan) (on file with authors).
Id. at .
A NEW AFTERWORD
members.
Whether this hypothesis holds, the more fundamental point on
which the analysts of party realignment around abortion agree is that membership
of the national political parties diverged into their current polarized positions on
abortion only in the late s—ten or een years aer Roe.
. :
How might the history of conict over abortion before Roe inform our under-
standing of the nature of conict over abortion aer Roe? In this Part, we survey
commentary in the academy and popular press that attributes escalating conict
over abortion to the Court’s decision in Roe. e “Roe-caused-backlash” narrative
has acquired a life of its own, such that those who invoke it scarcely look to his-
tory. In what follows, we survey familiar claims about Roe’s role in causing conict
and then consider how the history that we have examined in this paper illumi-
nates dierent structures of motivation for conict over abortion.
A. Claims About Roe
Accounts of abortion backlash dier in the particular failings that they
ascribe to the Supreme Court, but the assumption that binds them together is that
it was the Court’s decision in Roe that began conict over abortion.
As Ken I.
One study concluded that the parties’ positions did not diverge in response to voter preferences—
rejecting the hypothesis that “the parties were pulled apart by the positions of their voters” and sug-
gesting that “[i]t seems likely that the party positions have diverged as the parties catered to a subset
of political activists organized into interest groups.” ELIZABETH ADELL COOK, TED G. JELEN
& CLYDE WILCOX, BETWEEN TWO ABSOLUTES: PUBLIC OPINION AND THE POLI-
TICS OF ABORTION , () (correlating attitudes on abortion with voting patterns during
the s and s using data from the American National Election Studies). In his study of party
realignment on abortion, Greg Adams also reads the data as suggesting that party leaders adopted
their current positions on abortion in advance of their members. Adams, supra note , at -.
Adams associates his findings with the “issue evolution model,” finding that “[t]he process unfolds
gradually, and causality appears to run from elites to masses, rather than from masses to elites.” Id.
at . For more on the general concept of issue evolution, see EDWARD G. CARMINES & JAMES
A. STIMSON, ISSUE EVOLUTION: RACE AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN
POLITICS ().
For example, Cynthia Gorney attributes nationalization of the right-to-life movement to the Roe
decision rather than the efforts of the Catholic Church that began in , almost six years before the
decision. Compare Cynthia Gorney, Imagine a Nation Without Roe v. Wade, N.Y. TIMES, Feb. , ,
at WK (“Indeed, Roe created the national right-to-life movement, forging a powerful instant alliance
among what had been scores of scattered local opposition groups.”), with supra Section II.A (showing
that Catholic opposition to decriminalizing abortion was highly motivated and nationally organized
before the Supreme Court ruled).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Kersch, director of the Clough Center for the Study of Constitutional Democracy
at Boston College, explains, “Politically, the Court’s decision to declare abortion
to be a national right served as a catalyst for the Right to Life movement. at
movement, in turn, played a major role in realigning the party loyalties of millions
of Americans.”
Not only is it commonly assumed that Roe started the conict over abortion
but the common assumption, both outside and within the legal academy, is that
Roe has driven the realignment of Republican and Democratic voters around
abortion. According to Benjamin Wittes, “One eect of Roe was to mobilize a per-
manent constituency for criminalizing abortion—a constituency that has driven
much of the southern realignment toward conservatism.”
As Cass Sunstein put
it, “[T]he decision may well have created the Moral Majority, helped defeat the
equal rights amendment, and undermined the women’s movement by spurring
opposition and demobilizing potential adherents.”
Or as Sandford Levinson
explains, “I have oen referred to Roe as ‘the gi that keeps on giving’ inasmuch
as it has served to send many, good, decent, committed largely (though certainly
not exclusively) working-class voters into the arms of a party that works system-
atically against their material interests but is willing to pander to their serious
value commitment to a ‘right to life.’”
David Brooks charges yet more harshly:
“Justice Harry Blackmun did more inadvertent damage to our democracy than
any other th-century American. When he and his Supreme Court colleagues
issued the Roe v. Wade decision, they set o a cycle of political viciousness and
counter-viciousness that has poisoned public life ever since.”
Robert P. George
invokes Roe in warning the Supreme Court not to accept the constitutional claim
for same-sex marriage: “By short-circuiting the democratic process, Roe inamed
Ken I. Kersch, Justice Breyer’s Mand[a]rin Liberty, U. CHI. L. REV. , () (reviewing
STEPHEN BREYER, ACTIVE LIBERTY: INTERPRETING OUR DEMOCRATIC CONSTITU-
TION ()).
Benjamin Wittes, Letting Go of Roe, THE ATLANTIC, Jan./Feb. , at , .
Cass R. Sunstein, Three Civil Rights Fallacies, CALIF. L. REV. , (); see also Michael J.
Klarman, Fidelity, Indeterminacy, and the Problem of Constitutional Evil, FORDHAM L. REV. ,
() (describing the “conventional understanding of Roe v. Wade” as the notion that, “far from
reconciling abortion opponents to a woman’s fundamental right to terminate her pregnancy, the deci-
sion actually spawned a right-to-life opposition which did not previously exist”).
Sanford Levinson, Should Liberals Stop Defending Roe?: Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin Debate,
LEGAL AFFAIRS (Nov. , ), www.legalaffairs.org/webexclusive/debateclub_ayotte.msp.
Larry Bartels offers an analysis of election returns that disputes this common view, contending that
it better describes developments in the South and among better-educated white voters. See infra note
.
Brooks, supra note .
A NEW AFTERWORD
the culture war that has divided our nation and polarized our politics.”
us, Roe not only is believed by many to have ignited conict over abor-
tion but also is commonly represented as having single-handedly caused societal
polarization and party realignment around the question of abortion. Backlash
narratives about Roe thus rest both on temporal assumptions (that conict over
abortion and polarization began with Roe) and on institutional assumptions (that
the Supreme Court decision caused the abortion conict, societal polarization,
and party realignment).
ose who claim that the Court caused the abortion conict in fact oer
dierent accounts of why the Court’s decision had such powerful eects on the
nation’s politics. ey assert that Roe caused backlash because the decision nation-
alized conict,
because the Court was too far ahead of public opinion,
or
because the decision prevented compromise. e premise on which all of these
accounts rest is that bad judicial decisionmaking—whatever the opinion’s precise
aws—caused bad politics. Escalating conict is a symbol of a politics deformed
Robert P. George, Op-Ed., Gay Marriage, Democracy, and the Courts, WALL ST. J., Aug. , , at
A.
See Planned Parenthood of Se. Pa. v. Casey, U.S. , () (Scalia, J., concurring in part
and dissenting in part) (“Not only did Roe not, as the Court suggests, resolve the deeply divisive issue
of abortion; it did more than anything else to nourish it, by elevating it to the national level where it is
infinitely more difficult to resolve. . . . Roe’s mandate for abortion on demand destroyed the compro-
mises of the past, rendered compromise impossible for the future, and required the entire issue to be
resolved uniformly, at the national level.”); id. (asserting that before Roe, “[n]ational politics were not
plagued by abortion protests, national abortion lobbying, or abortion marches on Congress”).
It is also commonly asserted that the Court caused conflict because it rendered a decision that
diverged from popular opinion. Jeffrey Rosen, for example, contrasts Roe with Brown, which he asserts
“was supported by more than half of the country when it was handed down . . . [while] Roe v. Wade was
an entirely different matter. The Court’s decision, in , to strike down abortion laws in forty-six
states and the District of Columbia was high-handed, and represents one of the few times that the
Court leaped ahead of a national consensus.” Jeffrey Rosen, The Day After Roe, THE ATLANTIC,
June , at , -. Rosen also contends that the Court could have avoided backlash if only it
had limited its holding to the termination of early pregnancies. Jeffrey Rosen, The Supreme Court:
Judicial Temperament and the Democratic Ideal, WASHBURN L.J. , () (“The parts of Roe that
provoked a backlash were those that called into question later term restrictions that most Americans
support.”).
H
evidence does not suggest that a more temporally limited abortion right would
have been acceptable to the antiabortion movement at the time of Roe. The fervent minority who
entered politics to work against abortion rights before and after Roe sought criminalization and were
not willing to settle for less. To those who believe that abortion is murder, there is no middle ground;
it makes no difference whether a judicial or legislative decision permits abortion up to twelve weeks’
gestation or twenty. That is why the Catholic Church began to organize at the national level to block
abortion reform when the only reform on offer was the ALI therapeutic legislation. See supra notes
- and accompanying text; see also Eugene uay, Justifiable Abortion—Medical and Legal Founda-
tions, GEO. L.J. , () (attacking, from a Catholic perspective, the abortion provisions of
the proposed Model Penal Code, recently tentatively approved by the ALI, and describing the pro-
posal as “a violent departure from all existing laws”).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
by judicial overreaching.
e underlying assumption is that the Court blundered by issuing a decision
that shut down politics, short-circuiting a process of democratic-based legislative
change that would have been accorded more legitimacy, even by those members
of the public who disagreed with it. In What’s the Matter with Kansas, omas
Frank charged that:
[Roe] unilaterally quashed the then-nascent debate over abortion, settling
the issue by fiat and from the top down. And it cemented forever a stereotype
of liberalism as a doctrine of a tiny clique of experts, an unholy combination
of doctors and lawyers, of bureaucrats and professionals, securing their “re-
forms” by judicial command rather than by democratic consensus.
164
e assumption that Roe caused backlash by repressing politics is now part of
how we reason about courts.
It made an appearance in the case challenging the
constitutionality of California’s ban on same-sex marriage, in the form of Judge
Vaughn Walker’s question to Ted Olson at the close of testimony. uestioning the
plaintis’ attorney, Judge Walker asked:
[I]sn’t the danger . . . to the position that you are taking is not
that you’re going to lose this case, either here or at the Court
of Appeals or at the Supreme Court, but that you might win it?
And, as in other areas where the Supreme Court has ultimately consti-
tutionalized something that touches upon highly-sensitive social issues, and
taken that issue out of the political realm, that all that has happened is that
the forces, the political forces that otherwise have been frustrated, have been
generated and built up this pressure, and have, as in a subject matter that
I’m sure you’re familiar with, plagued our politics for 30 years, isn’t the same
danger here with this issue?
166
THOMAS FRANK, WHAT’S THE MATTER WITH KANSAS: HOW CONSERVATIVES
WON THE HEART OF AMERICA ().
See William N. Eskridge, Jr., Pluralism and Distrust: How Courts Can Support Democracy by Lowering
the Stakes of Politics, YALE L.J. , () (“Roe essentially declared a winner in one of the
most difficult and divisive public law debates of American history. Don’t bother going to state legis-
latures to reverse that decision. Don’t bother trying to persuade your neighbors (unless your neighbor
is Justice Powell).”); Michael Klarman, Fidelity, Indeterminacy, and the Problem of Constitutional Evil,
FORDHAM L. REV. , () (describing the “conventional understanding of Roe v. Wade” as
being that, “far from reconciling abortion opponents to a woman’s fundamental right to terminate her
pregnancy, the decision actually spawned a right-to-life opposition which did not previously exist”).
Transcript of Record at , Perry v. Schwarzenegger, No. C --VRW (N.D. Cal. June ,
). Mr. Olson replied, “I think the case that you’re referring to has to do with abortion,” to which
A NEW AFTERWORD
David Brooks has expressed a similar conviction:
Harry Blackmun and his colleagues suppressed that democratic abortion
debate the nation needs to have. The poisons have been building ever since.
You can complain about the incivility of politics, but you can’t stop the esca-
lation of conflict in the middle. You have to kill it at the root. Unless Roe v.
Wade is overturned, politics will never get better.
167
is is a compelling story. We will have a better politics—civil, respectful,
compromising—which will reassert itself as soon as the Court withdraws and
leaves democracy to work itself pure.
Had the Court never enforced its (mis-
taken?) understanding of the Constitution, we would have civic peace.
e power of this story is its power as a story. What is oen missing is the
kind of fact-based analysis of competing explanations for the abortion conict
that would support it.
B. Court-Centered and Political Accounts of Conict: Some Questions
Why did the abortion debate escalate and become the dening site of political
division in the nation? e history of the abortion conict in the period before
Roe raises a variety of questions about Court-centric explanations for Roe rage—
and accordingly suggests the need for historical inquiry into the sources of the
polarization so oen attributed to the decision. While the history of conict over
abortion before Roe cannot tell us what happened aer the Court ruled, it can and
does raise powerful questions about the logic of polarization in the decades aer
Roe precisely because it demonstrates how the abortion conict could accelerate
and become entangled in party politics in a period when the abortion conict
cannot be plausibly construed as a response to judicial review. e history of the
pre-Roe period thus illustrates the need for a deep history of the post-Roe period if
Judge Walker responded: “It does indeed.” Id.
Brooks, supra note (“When Blackmun wrote the Roe decision, it took the abortion issue out of the
legislatures and put it into the courts. If it had remained in the legislatures, we would have seen a series
of state-by-state compromises reflecting the views of the centrist majority that’s always existed on this
issue. These legislative compromises wouldn’t have pleased everyone, but would have been regarded
as legitimate. Instead, Blackmun and his concurring colleagues invented a right to abortion . . . .”).
Cf. FRANK, supra note , at (invoking “the great abortion controversy, which mobilizes mil-
lions but which cannot be put to rest without a Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade”).
Critics of Roe frequently assert that Roe disrupted a process of state-by-state legislative compromise
on abortion that would have produced general public acceptance of laws liberalizing access to abor-
tion. The case is very far from clear. Liberalization efforts seem to have stalled after . See supra
note and accompanying text; infra note .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
we are to make any reliable judgments about how and why Roe came to be the site
of polarizing and identitarian conict that it now is.
e dominant account of the abortion conict is Court-centered: it explains
the abortion conict as a bad form of politics triggered in response to the Supreme
Court’s eorts to shut down democratic decisionmaking.
Our history of the
pre-Roe period, by contrast, shows how ordinary politics can produce escalating
forms of conict over abortion, without the intervention of courts.
is political account of conict generates a variety of historical questions
about the genesis and shape of the abortion controversy. With an appreciation of
the many ways in which nonjudicial actors can provoke escalating forms of con-
ict, the political account is interested in the role that the Catholic Church played
in escalating and in nationalizing the abortion conict in the years before Roe.
By , the National Conference of Catholic Bishops responded to the introduc-
tion of ALI reform bills in state houses across the nation by creating a national
organization devoted to blocking abortion reform.
What led the National
Conference of Catholic Bishops to found what would come to be known as the
National Right to Life Committee—an organization that funded and organized
opponents of abortion reform at the state level and helped develop secular and
nonsectarian arguments against abortion’s decriminalization? e provocation
was not judicial review but instead increasing popular support for reforming abor-
tion law.
Conict intensied precisely because law was beginning to change in
response to growing public interest in abortion reform, and a minority that cared
passionately about the issue had the resources to organize in opposition—a pos-
sibility that the Court-centered account of backlash does not consider.
e political account understands that countermobilization and escalating
conict (oen referred to as “backlash”) is a normal response to increasing public
support for change that may—but certainly need not—have a relationship to judi-
See supra notes - and accompanying text.
For scholars of the abortion conflict before us who have asked questions of this kind, see, for exam-
ple, sources cited supra note .
See supra Section II.A.
See Fiske, supra note , at (“The action on abortion was proposed by the Most Rev. Walter W.
Curtis, Bishop of Bridgeport, who stated that the number of states in which there are campaigns to
liberalize laws against abortion has grown from last September to at the present time.”). For an
account of the Catholic Church’s decision to separate the National Right to Life Committee from
official connection to the Church in the immediate aftermath of the Roe decision, see PAIGE, supra
note , at , -, which describes that separation as well as a lawsuit challenging “both the
USCC and the National Right to Life Committee for violating the rules prohibiting political activities
by non-profit organizations.”
A NEW AFTERWORD
cial review.
Just as the political account suggests why increasing public support
for change can motivate conict, it understands that countermobilization can
block change, despite increasing public support. e political account of conict
thus generates questions about the dynamics of legislative change in the period
before Roe. Does the fact that legislative abortion reform seemed to stall aer
reect the countermobilizing eorts of a large, well-nanced, and nationally net-
worked group that voted on a single-issue basis,
or does the failure of legislative
As one of us has observed:
C
is likely to occur only as movement claims begin to elicit public response.
Utopians and cranks can make all the claims on a constitutional tradition they want; but
they are by definition marginal. On the other hand, when a movement advances transfor-
mative claims about constitutional meaning that are sufficiently persuasive that they are
candidates for official ratification, movement advocacy often prompts the organization of
a counter-movement dedicated to defending the status quo. At just the point that a move-
ment for social change begins to elicit public response, it is likely also to elicit this energetic
defense of status quo, which, since the filibuster over the Civil Rights Act, has been
referred to as “backlash.”
S
supra note , at - (footnotes omitted).
By the early s, “abortion had become a public and controversial enough concern that it had
become increasingly difficult to pass legislative initiatives.” BURNS, supra note , at ; see sources
cited supra note . State-by-state efforts to liberalize abortion law met a much larger and more orga-
nized opposition following the “high point” of successful reform legislation. See ABORTION
POLITICS IN AMERICAN STATES (Mary C. Segers & Timothy A. Byrnes eds., ). In the
years immediately after decriminalization in New York, “public opinion polls showed better than
percent popular support for the law, but the intensity and commitment of abortion opponents
had more than offset the majority sentiment.” GARROW, supra note , at -. Abortion law lib-
eralization in New York led to a response from the Catholic Church hierarchy that “helped stimulate
a very politically influential right to life upsurge all across the country . . . .” Garrow, supra note , at
.
T
pattern was followed elsewhere as groups supported by the Catholic Church displayed
organization and motivation that overwhelmed popular support for change. Robert Karrer describes
the local response to a proposed reform measure in Michigan that received national attention and
was seen as a bellwether for the fate of the state-by-state reform effort. Karrer, supra note . Early in
, “the opposition consisted of the Michigan Catholic Conference and a handful of anti-abortion
physicians, ministers, and lawyers who recruited ordinary citizens to speak out against the proposed
bill in public hearings across the state.” Id. at . Within two years, Michigan opponents formed orga-
nizations, found local and national allies, and, by the spring of , were able to hire an advertising
agency to spend , for radio and television advertising. Id. at -. Opponents took out full-
page newspaper ads, set up booths at county fairs, and effectively used preexisting religious networks.
See id. at , . Legislative reform “failed because anti-abortionists were more organized, used more
sophisticated advertising, and ably articulated the moral issue” in a way that abortion reform advo-
cates were not prepared to match. Id. at . For an account of the role of the Catholic Church in block-
ing legislative reform, see STANSELL, supra note , noting that
[]
every state where there was a significant Catholic presence, the hierarchy instituted a
parish-by-parish effort to block reform bills. . . . But despite the huge resources the Catholic
Church had at its disposal, there was an insoluble problem: Its influence stopped short of
federal appeals courts, and the courts were issuing sympathetic decisions on abortion cases
with increasing frequency.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
reform aer instead reect the views of a popular majority?
Examining
the logic of conict in the pre-Roe era identies important questions about the
dynamics of conict in the period aer the decision and, more generally, about the
model of politics that implicitly organizes stories of constitutional change.
e Catholic Church was not the only institution to shape the abortion con-
ict in the pre-Roe period. As we have seen in Section II.B, the Republican Party
began to shi position on abortion between and as party strategists came
to appreciate that the issue might be used to court Catholic single-issue voters his-
torically aligned with the Democratic Party. e pre-Roe record thus illustrates
how the competition between the national political parties for voters supplies a
powerful motivation for party leaders to enter—or even change positions—in
the abortion conict. As party strategists explained: “[F]avoritism toward things
Catholic is good politics; there is a trade-o, but it leaves us with the larger share of
the pie.”
In the period between and , the Republican Party’s interest
in raiding the Democratic Party’s traditional coalition of voters supplied reason
for President Nixon to take a stand on abortion at odds with positions staked out
by his own administration and allies.
is shi in elite politics was at least in part responsive to beliefs of mobilized
groups of voters. Yet, causal arrows run in both directions. e eorts of strate-
gists to attract new voters into the party could also fatefully contribute to reshap-
ing popular understandings of abortion—by the end of the s transforming
abortion into a symbol of partisan identity bearing on questions of sex, religion,
and even race.
As the record before Roe richly illustrates, as Republican Party leaders began
attacking abortion to court Catholic Democratic voters, they began to argue
about abortion in new ways, framing abortion in terms that helped change its
social meaning. Where prominent leaders of the Republican Party had associated
abortion with “population control,”
Pat Buchanan and Kevin Phillips began to
I
at ; see also supra notes -, (describing the Church’s role in opposing abortion reform in a
variety of states).
Opinion polls offer an important window into political developments, even if opinion polls supply
no information about who enters politics in order to vindicate their views, who has the resources to
persuade others, or how issues are bundled or presented. In this case, it is striking that polling data
from the period just before and after the Roe decision seem to show rising public support for liberal-
izing access to abortion. See sources cited supra note .
Dividing the Democrats, Memorandum from “Research” to the Att’y Gen. H.R. Haldeman (Oct.
, ), in Hearings Before the S. Select Comm. on Presidential Campaign Activities, d Cong. ,
() (emphasis omitted). See generally Section II.B.
See supra Section I.B. President Nixon appointed a commission, chaired by John D. Rockefeller
III, to report on population growth and the American future. ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION
A NEW AFTERWORD
associate abortion with “permissive” youth movements that challenged traditional
social roles. During the presidential campaign, Republicans used the “triple-
A” strategy to tar McGovern with support for “abortion on demand” and other
symbols of feminist activism—even as McGovern refused to support the feminist
plank on abortion rights at the Democratic Party’s Convention.
It bears
noting that this Republican strategy importantly depended on antecedent asso-
ciations that had only recently been forged by feminist abortion-rights activism.
e Republican Party’s use of the triple-A frame to attack McGovern in the
campaign illustrates how the feminist movement’s entrance into the debate over
abortion had imbued abortion with powerful new symbolic associations that in
turn enabled—and motivated—new forms of conict around the practice. Early
public health and population control arguments for reforming abortion law con-
templated no challenge to women’s traditional family role; by contrast, feminist
repeal arguments tied abortion to arguments for changing women’s sexual, eco-
nomic, and political roles
—as Phyllis Schlay, a Catholic cold-warrior who
brilliantly led countermobilization against the ERA, began to emphasize, even
before the election.
Attuned to these shis in popular support for repeal
of abortion laws, Nixon’s reelection campaign could thus attack abortion as a
general symbol of social “permissiveness” (as the “triple-A” attack on McGovern
illustrated), much as the campaign attacked crime and presented Nixon as the
candidate of law and order.
ere were, in short, several institutions engaged in conict over abortion in
the decade before Roe that had independent motives and independent pathways
for conict in the decades aer Roe (for example, the Catholic Church, the adver-
saries in the campaign to ratify the ERA, and the national political parties com-
peting for voters).
REPORT, reprinted in BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at .
Feminist writer Germaine Greer covered the convention for Harper’s Magazine. Germaine Greer,
McGovern, The Big Tease, HARPER’S MAG., Oct. , at . She related her dismay at what she
called “the railroading of the abortion issue” by the McGovern campaign, as well as at the way in
which Gloria Steinem and other feminist leaders allowed the campaign to marginalize the National
Women’s Political Caucus. Id. at . Though the Democratic Platform included a substantial
section on the “Rights of Women,” there was no mention of abortion or reproductive issues. DEM-
OCRATIC NAT’L COMM., DEMOCRATIC PARTY PLATFORM OF (), available at
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=.
Compare Sections I.A-B (discussing initial arguments for abortion reform based on public health
and social welfare), with Sections I.C-D (discussing subsequent feminist arguments for abortion
reform).
See supra note and accompanying text.
See Vesla M. Weaver, Frontlash: Race and the Development of Punitive Crime Policy, STUD. AM.
POL. DEV. , ().
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
If we are to understand not only “whether” but also “how” and “why” judicial
review played a role in escalating the abortion conict, there is much that we yet
need to investigate concerning the dynamics of conict over abortion the years
aer Roe. For example, if the Court’s decision in Roe was the sole cause of back-
lash, why did polls aer Roe show no sign of decline in public support for abor-
tion—and by some measures, record an increase in support for liberalizing access
to abortion?
Who attacked the Court’s abortion decision and when? Why, for
example, was there not a single question asked about Roe at the conrmation hear-
ings of Justice John Paul Stevens nearly three years aer the decision?
Why did
it take until the end of the s for the Southern Baptist Convention to oppose
abortion categorically
and for leaders of conservative Protestant evangelicals to
enter politics in opposition to Roe?
And, strikingly, why did those aliated
with the Democratic and Republican parties switch positions on abortion in the
decades aer Roe? For that matter, how is it that leaders of the national political
parties seem to have switched positions on abortion nearly a decade before citizens
aliated with the parties?
A Court-centered account of conict does not seem well suited to notice these
historically specic features of polarization over abortion—or to explain them.
Popular support for abortion’s legalization had been rising before the decision, see supra note
and accompanying text, and, depending on the poll, either continued to rise afterward or remained
stable at a high level. See, e.g., Donald Granberg & Beth Wellman Granberg, Abortion Attitudes, -
: Trends and Determinants, FAM. PLAN. PERSP., Sept.-Oct. , at , (“Following the
Supreme Court decisions that ruled restrictive state abortion laws unconstitutional, there was
a five-point rise in average approval. . . . The one-year increase between (before the Supreme
Court abortion decisions) and (after the decisions) was sharper than the average annual increase
of about three points between and .”). More than two years after Roe, the Harris Survey
reported that approval of permitting access to abortion during the first trimester of pregnancy had
reached “the highest level of support the Harris Survey has ever recorded for legal abortion [ per-
cent] and a turnabout from when abortion in the first trimester of pregnancy was opposed by a
to percent plurality.” Louis Harris, Majority Supporting Abortion Laws Grows, CHI. TRIB., May
, , at . This article concluded that “[t]here is no doubt that the U.S. Supreme Court decision
solidified public support for legalizing abortion.” Id. Also in , the respected California-based
Field Poll reported a sharp increase in support for abortion among California adults. See Mervin D.
Field, Poll Shows Dramatic Rise in Support for Abortions, L.A. TIMES, Apr. , , at D. Whatever
these various polls have to offer in the nature of scientific proof, they at least serve to refute any notion
that the public greeted Roe with a spontaneous negative reaction.
Linda Greenhouse, Justice John Paul Stevens as Abortion-Rights Strategist, U.C. DAVIS L. REV.
, ().
See BEFORE ROE V. WADE, supra note , at - (discussing positions of the Southern Baptist
Convention and the National Association of Evangelicals in the period before and after Roe); see also
supra note (periodizing shifts in position and political activism of the Southern Baptist Conven-
tion on abortion in the decades after Roe).
See supra notes - and accompanying text.
See supra notes - and accompanying text. For evidence of this shift expressed in party plat-
forms, see supra note .
A NEW AFTERWORD
Where the Court-centered account interprets signs of extraordinary conict over
abortion as evidence that the Court has repressed politics,
the political account
of backlash asks whether extraordinary conict and polarization over abortion
might instead be the very expression of politics.
In particular, this paper raises the question of whether extraordinary conict
and polarization over abortion might be the expression of the special form of pol-
itics associated with partisan competition to realign voters. Here electoral data
are striking, although by no means dispositive. It would appear that a majority of
Republicans in Congress began to vote against abortion in , nearly a decade
before polls registered similar trends among citizens aliated with the Repub-
lican Party—a sign that abortion was entangled in realignment strategies of the
Republican Party in the late s, as it was in the years just before Roe.
As
we probe the accuracy and signicance of these numbers, we can also test them
against other forms of evidence. For example, we know that New Right leaders,
including Paul Weyrich and Richard Viguerie, played a crucial role in disciplining
the voting of Republicans in Congress in the late s.
ese actors have le
a rich record of their concerns.
Like Pat Buchanan and Kevin Phillips in the
pre-Roe period, Viguerie and other movement strategists were frank about their
interest in using abortion as a way to attract voters: “e New Right is looking
for issues that people care about, and social issue[s], at least for the present, t the
bill,” Paul Weyrich explained, adding: “Yes, [social issues] are emotional issues,
but that’s better than talking about capital formation.”
Weyrich’s remarks illustrate how abortion’s entanglement in realignment
politics reects a complex mix of top-down and bottom-up forces. New Right
strategists for the Republican Party seem to have recognized—and indeed to have
helped create—abortion as a vivid symbol to motivate political participation. By
See supra notes - and accompanying text.
See supra Section II.C. It would appear that Watergate disrupted the focus of the Republican Party
on abortion, as it disrupted much else. The team of Gerald Ford and Nelson Rockefeller, who com-
pleted the remainder of Nixon’s term, generally were supportive of women’s rights and the lib-
eralization of abortion. See supra note (discussing views on abortion held by leaders of the Ford
Administration).
See supra note . For more on Viguerie’s role in developing direct mail fundraising for the New
Right, see Siegel, supra note , at -, and on his role in developing direct-mail fundraising strat-
egies that integrated the antiabortion movement into the electoral strategies of the New Right, see
PAIGE, supra note , at -, which discusses, among other issues, the development of “ballots
for babies” strategies.
For example, coverage of abortion in Viguerie’s magazine Conservative Digest is sparse in but
spikes by , see supra notes -,—the year that more Republicans than Democrats in Congress
vote against abortion, supra note and accompanying text.
The New Right: A Special Report, CONSERVATIVE DIG., June , at .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
, Republicans could invoke abortion to talk about opposition to the Equal
Rights Amendment and Christian concerns of “secular humanism”
as well as
to protest the excesses of a Supreme Court that, in matters of family and faith
(and, for many, crime and race
) had strayed far from the Framers’ intent.
In the s, Republicans initially courted Democratic voters with a “south-
ern strategy” famously focused on issues of race. But by the s, as we have seen,
Phillips, Buchanan, Weyrich, and Viguerie were exploring how to realign voters
by appeal to the new “social issues”
(a term that Buchanan’s “Assault Book” rst
used in reference to abortion
). In , Ronald Reagan, a key architect of this
“social issues” realignment strategy, famously observed:
[T]he so-called social issues—law and order, abortion, busing, quota sys-
tems—are usually associated with the blue collar, ethnic, and religious
groups [that] are traditionally associated with the Democratic Party. The
economic issues—inflation, deficit spending, and big government—are usu-
ally associated with Republican Party members and independents. . . . The
time has come to see if it is possible to present a program of action based on
political principle that can attract those interested in the so called “social”
See supra notes - and accompanying text; see also Perry, supra note , at (reporting that
Richard Viguerie promoted connection between “abortions,” “sexual ethics,” and “secular human-
ism”).
The Republican Party began to recruit Democratic voters with a strategy initially focused on race
(whether through “busing” or “law and order”). See PHILLIPS, supra note , at -; Weaver,
supra note . Over the course of the s, conservatives would identify a new set of “social issues,”
prominently including matters of family and faith. Viguerie and Weyrich played an important role in
persuading evangelical Protestants—by the late s beginning categorically to oppose abortion—to
enter politics around abortion. In several accounts, however, Weyrich has insisted that what actu-
ally concerned and motivated conservative Protestants to enter politics was the federal government’s
threat to withdraw the tax-exempt status of any evangelical school that was not racially integrated.
See supra note and accompanying text.
One of us has elsewhere argued that the New Right’s appeal to originalism gave constitutional form
to a “social issues” agenda that the Republican Party used in service of realignment. See Siegel, supra
note , at (“Meese’s speeches endorsing original intent . . . gave the movement’s constitutional
politics jurisprudential form.”); id. at (showing how, by the s, the Reagan Administration was
appealing to the Constitution’s “original intent” to challenge “disfavored lines of cases that tracked
‘social issues’ of the New Right (for example, the rights of criminal defendants, school prayer, and con-
traception and abortion)”); id. at (observing that “originalism advanced the ‘social issues’ agenda
of the New Right”); see also id. at n. (discussing polling by Weyrich’s Heritage Foundation in
the spring of eliciting public attitudes on courts and “such ‘social issues as abortion, busing and
voluntary prayer in the schools’” (quoting John Chamberlain, Moral Issues Not a Good Core for Political
Coalitions, IRONWOOD DAILY GLOBE, Dec. , , at )).
See supra notes & .
See Buchanan, supra note , at (grouping abortion under “SOCIAL ISSUES—Catholic/Eth-
nic Concerns,” along with “Amnesty” (for draft evasion in the Vietnam war), “Marijuana,” and “Aid
to Nonpublic Schools”).
A NEW AFTERWORD
issues and those interested in “economic” issues. In short, isn’t it possible to
combine the two major segments of contemporary American conservativism
into one politically effective whole?
198
Scholars of realignment are still debating how this combination of race, sex,
and religion shattered the coalition that had sustained the Democratic Party since
the New Deal.
What we have still to learn is how these developments inter-
sected with and shaped our understanding of the institution of judicial review.
ere are many possible explanations for how Roe has come to matter as it
has. Perhaps polarization around abortion occurred because the Supreme Court
repressed politics. Or perhaps partisan conict escalated because the Court chan-
neled politics into federal arenas, by enunciating law for the nation that was most
easily reversed through national institutions. With polls in the wake of Roe show-
ing growing public support for liberalizing access to abortion,
perhaps conict
escalated because a cohesive and well-organized minority opposed the decision
and was encouraged to resist it by voting on a single-issue basis. Or perhaps con-
ict escalated because in the years aer the decision Roe came increasingly to be
associated with feminist challenges to the family, and so came to be viewed as a
threat to traditional and religious forms of social order. Or perhaps conict esca-
THOMAS BYRNE EDSALL & MARY D. EDSALL, CHAIN REACTION: THE IMPACT OF
RACE, RIGHTS, AND TAXES ON AMERICAN POLITICS (). The speech was entitled
“The New Republican Party” and was delivered on February , , by then-Governor Ronald Rea-
gan to the Fourth Annual Conservative Political Action Conference. See Governor Ronald Reagan,
Address at the Conservative Political Action Conference: The New Republican Party (Feb. , ),
available at http://www.conservative.org/cpac/archives/cpac--ronald-reagan/.
There is, for example, ongoing debate over whether the “social issues” agenda has moved work-
ing-class Americans from affiliation with the Democratic Party to the Republican Party. Compare
FRANK, supra note , at (“While earlier forms of conservativism emphasized fiscal sobriety,
the backlash mobilizes voters with explosive social issues—summoning public outrage over every-
thing from busing to un-Christian art—which it then marries to pro-business economic policies.”),
with Larry M. Bartels, What’s the Matter with What’s the Matter with Kansas?, Q. J. POL. SCI. ,
() (questioning the popular account in Thomas Frank’s What’s the Matter with Kansas? that
working-class Americans have moved from Democratic to Republican political affiliation because of
a cultural issues agenda and reporting findings that it is only in the South that the Republican Party
has converted a significant number of white working-class voters and that “[t]he apparent political
significance of social issues has increased substantially over the past years, but more among better-
educated white voters than among those without college degrees”).
The Republican Party’s platform first made “traditional family values” and abortion the lit-
mus in the selection of judges: “We will work for the appointment of judges at all levels of the judi-
ciary who respect traditional family values and the sanctity of innocent human life.” REPUBLICAN
PARTY PLATFORM OF , supra note .
See supra note (observing that popular support for abortion’s legalization had been rising before
the Court’s decision, and depending on the poll, either continued to rise afterward or remained stable
at a high level).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
lated because certain prominent law professors helped discredit Roe’s constitu-
tional authority because they associated the decision with a line of cases that the
legal academy had criticized for a generation.
Or perhaps conict escalated
because criticism of Roe by liberal elites legitimized demands to replace Supreme
Court Justices by Americans who hated the Supreme Court’s race decisions but
who no longer felt as free to campaign against those rulings as they once had. Or
perhaps conict escalated because the Court’s involvement in abortion gave politi-
cal leaders the opportunity to unite disparate groups against the Court and in a
quest for constitutional restoration, forging a new governing coalition of citizens
who before never made common cause with one another.
Note how very dierent are these various explanations for Roe’s role in polar-
ization. Note, too, how very dierent are their implications for the institution of
judicial review. With a better account of the facts, we might conclude that the
particular storm of forces that made “Roe” is not likely to converge again. Or, we
might identify features of the Court’s decision responsible for inaming an already
ongoing conict. Even so, our ability to identify which aspects of the Court’s deci-
sion aggravated an ongoing conict would still require some account, beyond that
provided by the conventional Court-centered narrative, of the structure of conict
in which the Court ruled.
To be clear, we do not argue that the Supreme Court played no role in provok-
ing conict over the legalization of abortion. We suggest rather that the domi-
nance of the “Court-caused-it” backlash narrative has shortchanged both legal
scholars and the general public of a more complete understanding of an important
chapter in America’s social, political, and legal history. Our book’s account of the
sources and dimensions of the abortion conict before Roe suggests a considerably
more complex explanation than what the conventional backlash narrative pro-
vides for what happened aer Roe, as we demonstrate here with further evidence
of the entanglement of abortion with party realignment not only aer the deci-
sion but before it, as well.
e powerful preemptive eect of the juricentric narrative has blunted curi-
See, e.g., John Hart Ely, The Wages of Crying Wolf: A Comment on Roe v. Wade, YALE L.J. ,
() (arguing that in its substantive due process analysis, Roe not only threatened to revive the
discredited doctrine of Lochner v. New York, U.S. (), but also “may turn out to be the more
dangerous precedent”).
A NEW AFTERWORD
osity about Roe’s roots and its reception; it has become a barrier to the kind of
scholarly reexamination that we hope this paper inspires. A generation of law-
yers and political actors has come of age schooled in Roe as a chastening lesson on
the consequences of relying on courts to address the claims of those engaged in
challenging social norms and existing arrangements. But we believe that a more
complete understanding of Roe’s story may oer a dierent, more productive les-
son. at lesson is not that adjudication inevitably causes political conict and
polarization and is thus to be avoided at all cost. Conict is a part of our political
life. And adjudication plays a special role in dening our political community.
Rather, the history of conict before and aer Roe suggests that in thinking about
the possibilities and limits of adjudication, we need to be attentive to the motives
for conict that emerge from sources outside as well as inside the courtroom, from
directions and actors that may shi over time.
As we noted at the beginning of the paper, facts matter. e stakes in achieving
a more accurate appreciation of what occurred before (and aer) Roe v. Wade are
substantial for our understanding of the relationship between courts and politics.
An account of the pre-Roe period in all its multidimensional richness instructs
us, on the one hand, that extremes of conict can occur, and important social
conversations can emerge, without reference to courts at all. On the other hand,
from the perspective of nearly four decades aer the decision, we see that judicial
review, far from forcing an end to politics, oers a canvas on which nonjudicial
actors continue to paint, reconguring legal meaning to their own uses, until Roe
v. Wade the case is all but eaced and “Roe” the symbol is what remains.
Linda Greenhouse and Reva B. Siegel, Before (and Aer) Roe v. Wade: New Questions About
Backlash, Yale L. J. (). Reprinted by permission of the Yale Law Journal.
APPENDIX
Briefs Filed by “Friends of the Court”
Fifteen individual or collective “friends of the court”—amici curiae—filed briefs
in Roe v. Wade, eight for the challengers to the Texas law and seven in the state’s
defense. (Several on both sides also filed supplemental briefs for the second argu-
ment.) This was a substantial number for the time, although it looks small by the
standards of today, when even in cases of only moderate importance, the Court
often receives two dozen briefs or more.
Here, we present excerpts from ten briefs, six for Jane Roe and four for the
state. e ten were selected either because of the signicance of the organizational
voices, or because a brief diers from others in a distinctive way. (ere was, not
surprisingly, a fair amount of repetition among the briefs.)
As indicated by its signers, this rst brief speaks for the medical establish-
ment. Its perspective is that of medical professionals who believe that criminaliz-
ing abortion was “fundamentally unsound in the light of present day medical and
surgical knowledge, and a serious obstacle to good medical practice.” Although
the brief discusses the rights of women, its emphasis is on the rights of doctors to
act in their patients’ interest, free from fear of criminal prosecution.
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Jane Roe
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, American
Psychiatric Association, American Medical Women’s Association,
New York Academy of Medicine, and a Group of Physicians
is brief was led by Carol Ryan, Esq. Each of the physicians signed individu-
ally. All were medical school deans, department chairmen, or professors. One signer was
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
Charles E. Gibbs, M.D., at the time president of the Texas Association of Obstetricians
and Gynecologists.
The individuals whose names are appended hereto as amici curiae are deans and
vice presidents of medical schools, heads of departments of obstetrics, gynecol-
ogy and pediatrics in medical schools, practicing physicians and surgeons who
are specialists in those fields, and other physicians and psychiatrists having a par-
ticular interest in the subject matter of this brief. The organizations whose names
are appended hereto are among the largest, oldest and most respected national
organizations in the medical profession. These organizations are devoted to the
promotion of the highest possible quality health care and it is toward that end that
they join in this brief as amici. They include many leaders in the medical profes-
sion and renowned teachers in medical schools. As teachers, they are impelled to
seek to protect the right of their students—the future generations of doctors—to
give their patients the benefit of knowledge acquired in the medical schools. As
practicing physicians, amici are bound by oath to give their patients the benefit of
the best medical knowledge. These physicians are concerned that the Texas anti-
abortion law prevents them from fulfilling their sworn duties and responsibilities
in the highest traditions of their profession. They believe that the Texas anti-abor-
tion statute is wrong in principle, fundamentally unsound in the light of pres-
ent day medical and surgical knowledge, and a serious obstacle to good medical
practice. Amici believe that the restrictions imposed by the Texas statute on the
performance of medically indicated therapeutic abortions interfere with the phy-
sician-patient relationship and with the ability of physicians to practice medicine
in accordance with the highest professional standards. Amici are also concerned
with the burden the law places on physicians to interpret, at their peril, a statute
whose meaning and scope are not clear. Accordingly, amici deem it appropriate to
offer arguments with respect to this area of law which is of vital concern to them.
e American Psychiatric Association is a non-prot, tax exempt, scientic
and educational medical organization, comprised of those , qualied Doc-
tors of Medicine who specialize as psychiatrists in the diagnosis, care and treat-
ment of mental diseases and defects of the mind. Abortions are of prime interest
to psychiatrists because pregnancy, child bearing, birth and abortions can have
material eects upon the mental processes of patients requiring psychiatric diag-
nosis, evaluation and care.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
e Board of Trustees of the APA on December –, , upon recommen-
dation of the Committee on Psychiatry and Law, approved the following:
Position Statement on Abortion
A decision to perform an abortion should be regarded as strictly a medical
decision and a medical responsibility. It should be removed entirely from the
jurisdiction of criminal law. Criminal penalties should be reserved for per-
sons who perform abortions without medical license or qualification to do
so. A medical decision to perform an abortion is based on the careful and
informed judgments of the physician and the patient. Among other factors
to be considered in arriving at the decision is the motivation of the patient.
Often psychiatric consultation can help clarify motivational problems and
thereby contribute to the patient’s welfare.
The Statute Is Unconstitutionally Vague.
Under Texas law, abortion is permitted only “for the purpose of saving the life of
the mother.” If, following the performance of an abortion, under this law, a physi-
cian is brought to trial and the jury disagrees with the physician’s interpretation
of the meaning of these quoted words, the physician is liable to imprisonment for
from two to five years in the penitentiary.
is Court has declared that “a statute which either forbids or requires the
doing of an act in terms so vague that men of common intelligence must necessar-
ily guess at its meaning and dier as to its application, violates the rst essential
of due process of law.” Under this standard the statute must fall, because amici
respectfully submit that neither they, nor Dr. Hallford nor any other similarly
situated physician receive proper notice from the statute of what acts and consul-
tations in their daily practice of medicine will subject them to criminal liability.
Amici contend that the phrase “for the purpose of saving the life” is so inde-
nite and vague that physicians must guess at its meaning and do in fact dier as
to the meaning of the phrase. e word “save” has a broad range of possible mean-
ings. e Random House Dictionary lists, inter alia, “to rescue from danger or
possible harm...to avoid...the waste of...to treat carefully in order to reduce wear,
fatigue, etc....”
...Life may mean the vitality, the joy, the spirit of existence, as well as merely
not dying. e possible interpretations of the statute range therefore from a test
requiring imminence of death to one which would permit abortion if desirable
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
to preserve an enjoyable life, i.e., a test under which the physician could consider
the eect of pregnancy upon the quality of the patient’s life and not merely upon
the fact of life as not death. e statute forces the physician to decide at his peril
whether a strict or liberal interpretation, or one in between, is the one intended by
the statute. It forces him at his peril to make a decision which may be gainsaid by
a jury of non-peer laymen whose guess will be as good as his as to the meaning of
this statute. In sum the statute fails to provide the certainty required of penal laws.
Physicians have a professional obligation to preserve and advance the health of
their patients. Assuming arguendo that the statute should be read as requiring a
judgment by the physician that without an abortion the patient will die, the stat-
ute conicts with the physician’s obligation because it commands him to ignore all
the health interests of his patient with respect to termination of pregnancy unless
he can predict that she will die without an abortion. Moreover, the statute does
not tell the doctor what factors he may properly consider in making this predic-
tion; nor how certain his prediction must be before he may decide to terminate his
patient’s pregnancy; nor how soon she must die if she does not have an abortion.
the statute allows abortion only if his patient would
otherwise die before delivery or if it is sucient that her life would be signicantly
shortened thereaer.
If a patient threatens suicide, physicians do not know if they may rely upon
the threat as a basis for abortion to save life. Psychiatric consultation may not be
available because the woman may refuse such treatment. e non-psychiatrist may
then be forced to evaluate the probability of suicide. e physician does not know
how he may determine safely whether the patient is sincere in her threat. Further-
more, a woman who does not overtly threaten may be as inclined toward suicide
as one who makes clear her threat. e non-psychiatrist doctor is not told whether
he may consider suicidal tendencies whether they are stated by his patient, or not.
If a doctor may properly consider the fact that his patient may take her own
life unless she receives an abortion, the question is opened whether he may con-
sider the fact that she may seriously imperil her life by obtaining an illegal abor-
tion. For a doctor to consider his patient’s threat to obtain an illegal abortion by
an unlicensed person is a logical step from his considering her threat of suicide,
because such illegal abortions are extremely hazardous and are in fact a common
cause of maternal deaths.
Physicians are unable to agree on the meaning of the statute because its words
have no medical meaning. Medical standards have been established for treating
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
patients and for terminating pregnancy as part of that treatment. e statute cuts
across those standards and requires physicians to apply an unclear legal test which
supersedes and may negate their medical judgment.
. -
.
Unquestionably there is a constitutionally protected right to practice one’s chosen
profession.
e practice of medicine clearly includes the treatment of pregnancy and its
attendant conditions. e statute interferes with a physician’s practice of medicine
by substituting the mandate of a vague legalism for the doctor’s best professional
judgment as to the medically indicated treatment for his pregnant patients.
Physicians and surgeons in many special branches of medicine routinely make
extremely serious decisions regarding their patients’ best medical welfare, oen
with life or death in the balance. But those physicians treating pregnant women
run the risk of criminal charges as the result of their professional decisions.
e statute unfairly discriminates against those physicians treating pregnant
women and thus denies these physicians equal protection of the laws....
e statute forbids all abortions except those necessary to save the life of the
mother. Construing the statute to intend its narrowest possible meaning, i.e., that
abortions are lawful only when they will prevent certain and imminent death, it is
clear that the operation of the statute may deny women abortions when the abor-
tion would prevent injury or safeguard or preserve the patient’s mental or physi-
cal health. us a woman suering from heart disease, diabetes or cancer whose
pregnancy worsens the underlying pathology may be denied a medically indicated
therapeutic abortion under the statute because death is not certain. Such a patient
is eectively denied a fundamental constitutional right reserved to her under the
Ninth Amendment—the right to medical treatment...
A state may not require that a citizen impair his or her health, even if the
individual’s right to good health and medical care infringes upon some legitimate
state interest. e State of Texas may not in pursuit of its policy infringe upon the
constitutionally protected right of its pregnant citizens to the medical treatment
they require to maintain their good health.
e anti-abortion statute denies women their right to secure the best medi-
cal treatment available and, further, positively and seriously impairs their health
by forcing them to turn to illegal abortionists, most of whom are not licensed
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
physicians and do not have the most advanced and safest medical techniques avail-
able for their use. Statistics are necessarily uncertain, but a frequent estimate is
that over one million criminal abortions occur in the United States each year,
resulting in an estimated , maternal deaths annually. at , American
women a year should be denied medically safe procedures and thus be driven to
their untimely deaths to avoid bearing unwanted children is unconscionable.
Death due to complications following illegal abortion procedures are only
part of the problem. Many thousands of other women needlessly suer serious
infections following these procedures in addition to pain, suering and emotional
trauma....
A doctor has a direct, personal, substantial interest for his decision may send
him to jail. Not only does the State prevent the physician from making an impar-
tial decision about terminating his patient’s pregnancy, it unfairly inuences
this decision in a shocking way. e State says that only if the physician wrongly
decides that the operation is needed to preserve her life is he criminally liable. If
he wrongly decides the operation is not needed to preserve her life, he is subject to
no criminal penalties. e State of Texas thus requires that all errors in a doctor’s
evaluation of his patient’s need for termination of pregnancy be on the side of her
death...
A physician practising medicine under the Texas statute cannot keep as his
sole concern his patient’s life. A doctor would have to be superhuman if he were
able to ignore the fact that his decision can be second-guessed by a jury which
may totally disregard medical evidence. erefore, his patient cannot receive the
impartial decision required by due process of law....
e freedom to be the master of her own body, and thus of her own fate, is as
fundamental a right as a woman can possess.
e Texas statute, by forcing a woman to carry to full term an embryo—
regardless of her wishes, her health, her circumstances, her nances, her family or
her future—is the most severe and extreme invasion of her right to privacy.
She is forced to function as a baby factory for an unwanted child. In addi-
tion to the gross invasion by the state into a pregnant woman’s physical autonomy,
the law imposes enormous additional obligations on this woman toward her child
once it is born. Furthermore, these obligations, involuntarily assumed, continue
for many years throughout the child’s minority.
It is unthinkable for a state to compel reproduction against a woman’s wishes.
e right of a woman to avoid pregnancy following conception has been recently
recognized in State and Federal Courts.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
is Court should not fail to protect the fundamental constitutional right of
women to decide whether they want to have children.
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Jane Roe
National Legal Program on Health Problems of the Poor, National
Welfare Rights Organization, and American Public Health Association
e American Public Health Association had taken an early role in advocating for
abortion reform. It is joined here by two organizations representing the interest of the
poor. is brief stresses the practical consequences for the poor of laws prohibiting abor-
tion. It also ames the issue as one of discrimination, in violation of the constitutional
guarantee of equal protection; middle-class white women could more easily obtain safe
abortions than the poor and the non-white. (In the late s and early s, lawyers
were advancing the claim that discrimination on the basis of wealth violated equal
protection, an argument that the Supreme Court rejected in in a case concerning
the nancing of public education.
e lawyers who signed this brief were Alan F. Charles and Susan Grossman Alex-
ander of the UCLA School of Law.
These organizations share the view that restrictive state abortion laws, such as
the Texas statute here under review, have a negative effect on the health and well-
being of American women, and have a particularly severe impact on the nation’s
poor and non-white populations. It is the poor and non-white who suffer most
from limited access to legal abortion, and it is they who incur greatly dispropor-
tionate numbers of deaths and crippling injuries as a result of being forced to seek
criminal abortion....
The State Has No Interest in Increasing Its Population; on the Contrary,
Its Interest, if Any, Is in Limiting Population Growth.
In view of the increasing public concern over our rapidly multiplying population,
any supposed state interest in increasing the number of lives in being can hardly
be raised as a justification for the prohibition of abortion. Indeed, the growing
emphasis of both federal and state agencies upon preplanning of families and
limitation of their size makes manifestly inconsistent treating the termination of
pregnancy as a crime, while birth control devices are not merely permitted but are
openly promoted and encouraged by the government....
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
The Application and Effect of Restrictive Abortion Laws, Such as the Texas
Abortion Law, Results in Discrimination Against Poor and Non-White
Women in Exercising Their Fundamental Interest in Marital and Individual
Privacy, Denying to Them the Equal Protection of the Laws.
While amici contend that to receive proper medical care in the form of an abor-
tion approved and performed by a physician is, by itself, a fundamental interest
protected by the Constitution, it is not necessary for abortion to be declared a
constitutional right to hold that its discriminatory denial violates guarantees of
equal protection.
e State of Texas has prohibited all abortions except for “the purpose of sav-
ing the mother’s life.” On its face, this permits treatment in the case of all women
whose lives are similarly endangered, and excludes from treatment all others.
Presumably, therefore those women who qualify for a legal abortion according
to the terms of the statute should be able to obtain one, regardless of their race or
socio-economic status. ere is nothing demonstrable in the dierences of skin
color or economic condition which suggests that a substantially smaller propor-
tion of the poor or the non-white fall into this category than that of the white and
the non-poor, or that the poor and non-white have a substantially dierent moral
attitude on abortion.
On the contrary, a recent study of births occurring between and led
investigators to conclude that one-third of Negro (as contrasted with one-h of
white) births were unwanted. Unwanted births were in general more than twice
as high for families with incomes of less than , as for those with incomes
of over ,; this dierential was “particularly marked among Negroes.” e
results indicated, in the view of the investigators, that there is a “coincidence
of poverty and unwanted births rather than a propensity of the ‘poor’ to have
unwanted children.”
One explanation for this high level of unwanted births among the poor and the
non-white is surely the fact that they do not have equal access to abortions. Data
demonstrate that the poor and the non-white do not receive this medical treatment
on the same terms as do others. ey thus suer a particularly harsh and adverse
eect from the operation of this statute, as they do from that of the other restrictive
abortion laws which have existed and currently exist in the United States....
Because the poor rely primarily upon public hospitals for their medical ser-
vices, denials or delays at those institutions are tantamount to a denial of prompt
medical care solely because these women are without funds.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
A partial explanation for the marked disparity in these gures appears to lie
in the far lower incidence of abortions performed for psychiatric reasons among
poor and non-white women. While socioeconomic conditions never per se legally
warrant therapeutic abortion, socioeconomic status nevertheless frequently deter-
mines whether or not an abortion will be performed, and if performed, whether
that self-same abortion will be therapeutic or criminal.
Criminal abortion has been described as the greatest single cause of maternal
mortality in the United States; it is one of the greatest cause of disease, infection,
and resulting sterilization as well. e poor and the non-white suer dispropor-
tionately from the “back-alley” abortionists, whose services they seek out in lieu of
the medically safe hospital abortions generally denied them.
California, the only state known to ocially compile such gures, notes that
approximately percent of that state’s non-white female population subjected
themselves to criminal abortion in , as opposed to only . percent of the
state’s white female population.
e oen tragic results of these abortions are also documented. In their New
York study, Drs. Gold, et al. noted that the ratio of criminal abortion deaths per
, live births was . for white women and . for non-whites. Likewise, Dr.
Hall’s – study led him to conclude that approximately half of the puerperal
deaths among New York’s Negroes were due to criminal abortions as opposed to
only a quarter of the puerperal deaths among white women.
In sharp contrast to the above data has been the experience in New York State
since July , , when categorical restrictions on abortion were eliminated. On
April , , New York City health ocials reported that the city’s public hospi-
tals, which restricted abortions to city residents, were performing an average of
a week, and that the “vast majority” of those women would be unable to aord
abortions in private hospitals.
It is clear from this evidence that where the law has eliminated restrictions
on the obtaining of abortions, the poor and non-white women who were previ-
ously unable to exercise the nancial and other kinds of leverage required to have
a “therapeutic” abortion, are able to obtain medically safe abortions on an equal
basis with all other women, and they do obtain them to at least the same extent as
their more privileged sisters. One result has been a drop in the maternal mortality
rate: New York City hospitals now report treating far fewer victims of “botched”
illegal abortions than they did in years past.
It has been amply demonstrated above that poor and non-white women are
not treated equally with other women in obtaining lawful abortions. However
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
neutral its facial appearance, and however unexceptionable its underlying intent,
the practical eect of a statute in denying equal treatment to classes of persons,
such as the poor or the non-white, must be measured by the Court....
The Texas Abortion Law, While Permitting Abortion to Save a Woman’s
Life, Irrationally Excludes From Its Protection Women Whose Health May
Be Seriously Threatened, Who Bear a Deformed Fetus, Who Have Been
Victims of Sexual Assault, Who Are Financially, Socially or Emotionally
Incapable of Raising a Child and Whose Family Tranquility and Security
Would Be Seriously Disrupted by the Birth of Another Child, Exclusions
Which Bear Most Heavily on the Poor and Non-White, and Which Do
Not Serve Any Compelling or Reasonable State Interest, Denying to These
Women the Equal Protection of the Law.
The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment requires the states to
“exercise their powers so as not to discriminate between their inhabitants except
upon some reasonable differentiation fairly related to the object of regulations.”
The challenged statute operates to deny equal protection to women with compel-
ling reasons for receiving therapeutic abortion, concurred in by their physicians,
but whose physicians cannot advance as “medical advice” that the abortion is nec-
essary to “save” their lives. Women so excluded are those who would suffer a seri-
ous impairment of physical or mental health from carrying a pregnancy to term,
those whose pregnancies are the result of rape or incest, those whose fetuses will,
with high medical certainty, be born with gravely disabling physical or mental
defects, and those who are financially unable or emotionally incapable of support-
ing a child, or of adding another child to a family whose limited resources are
already strained by their devotion to raising children in being.
[T]he fundamental interest involved in the case of each of the excluded classes
of women is as deserving of constitutional protection as the “saving” (whatever
it may mean) of the mother’s life. Compelling a woman to give birth to a child
which is the product of rape or incest, or which will be born deformed, or whose
birth will damage the woman’s own health or capacity to be a mother to the child
or to her existing family, may be as unbearable to the woman as a vague threat to
her life itself. at compulsion also puts her physician in the ethically question-
able position of having to decide just how much injury he must allow her to bear,
despite his obvious ability to prevent that injury, before he can condently say to
the prosecutor that he ultimately acted to save her life.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Certain assumptions must be made and constitutionally accepted to nd that
there is a basis of rationality to the exclusion of the above-mentioned classes of
women from the statute’s protection. One is that human-life begins with fertil-
ization of egg by sperm. Another is that this “life” is equivalent to the life of the
woman, and the life-saving exception to the abortion law is a rational balancing of
interests by the state, analogous to the laws of self-defense.
It is remarkable that the existence of a one-day-old fetus is to be equaled with
the life of a grown woman. e woman is—beyond doubt—a human being, one
upon whom other human beings (husband, children, etc.) depend in a variety of
ways essential to the sanctity of the family, and whose impaired health may be
critically disruptive to that family; or one who may not have consented to sexual
intercourse made felonious by the state, yet who is forced to bear the consequences
of that same felonious act. is equivalency of interest between a microscopic
embryo and the woman who bears it must be assumed in the Texas law, however,
since that statute draws no lines, such as viability, as the time to invoke the state’s
protection.
Because the Texas abortion law has the clear eect of denying disadvantaged
citizens access to safe hospital abortions, without any justication, it violates the
Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Jane Roe
New Women Lawyers; Women’s Health and Abortion Project, Inc.;
and National Abortion Action Coalition
e lawyer who led this brief, Nancy Stearns, of the Center for Constitutional Rights,
also wrote the brief in the Abramowicz case challenging New York’s abortion law. She
also played a role in the Connecticut litigation, and in feminist movement challenges to
abortion bans in several other states, always incorporating women’s oices and concerns
into her constitutional argument. As in the earlier cases, her brief in Roe invokes numer-
ous clauses of the Constitution to express the harms abortion laws inict on women,
focusing in particular on the constitutional guarantees of due process and equal pro-
tection. Any justice who read this brief would have been exposed to the full range of
contemporary feminist argument, vigorously expressed.
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
During the past two years the question of the constitutionality of abortion laws—
of the right of a woman to control her own body and life—has become one of the
most burning issues for women throughout the country. As women have become
aware of the myriad levels of unconstitutional discrimination they face daily, they
have become most acutely aware of the primary role which restrictions on abor-
tions plays in that discrimination. As a result, women throughout the country
have become determined to free themselves of the crippling and unconstitutional
restrictions on their lives. As a major part of their efforts, thousands of women
have sought and continue to seek the aid of federal and state courts in their chal-
lenges to abortion statutes....
The Georgia and Texas Statutes Restricting the Availability of Abortion
Violate the Most Basic Rights of Women to Life, Liberty and Property
Guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution.
Under the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, no state shall “...deprive
any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” The courts have
not yet, however, begun to come to grips with the fact that approximately one half
of our citizenry is systematically being denied those guarantees of the Fourteenth
Amendment. That is exactly the effect of the abortion laws of Texas and Georgia,
and nearly every other state in the United States. Amici urge this Court not to
shrink from redressing the constitutional wrongs perpetrated on women.
For the rst time, this Court has the opportunity to give serious and full con-
sideration to the degree to which laws such as those challenged herein, in denying
women the control of their reproductive life, violate their most basic constitu-
tional rights....
e decision by a woman of whether and when she will bear children may be
the most fundamental decision of her life because of its far-reaching signicance,
aecting almost every aspect of her life from the earliest days of her pregnancy.
Persons seeking to uphold restrictive abortion laws argue that the State has a com-
pelling interest in protecting human life. Amici could not agree more. But, we
argue that the responsibility of the State runs to persons who are living and that
the State may not maintain laws which effect the most serious invasions of the
constitutional rights of its citizens.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
From the very fact, as noted by the California Supreme Court in People v.
Belous (Cal. ), that “childbirth involves the risk of death,” it should be most
obvious that laws which force women to bear every child she happens to conceive
raise the most severe constitutional questions under the Fourteenth Amendment.
Nearly ten years ago a medical expert reported that “the risk to life from an
abortion, performed by an experienced physician in a hospital on a healthy woman
in the rst trimester of pregnancy is far smaller than the risk ordinarily associated
with pregnancy and childbirth.” A recent study of the death rate from child-birth
in the United States revealed that there are still deaths per , pregnan-
cies among American women. e same study reported that the death rate due
to legalized abortions performed in hospitals in Eastern Europe is per ,
pregnancies. And so, in the United States today, giving birth is nearly times
more dangerous than a therapeutic abortion.
Furthermore, if a woman truly believes she should not continue an unwanted
pregnancy and give birth to and raise an unwanted child, she will not be deterred
by the fact that an abortion in her circumstances would be illegal. She will do this
despite the great hazards to her physical and mental health—and the great nan-
cial expense involved. She will do this even though she knows that under local law
she is performing a criminal act.
e very fact that legal abortion is unavailable for most women forces them
into an additional hazard to their health and life. Aware of the failure rate of most
contraceptives and afraid of an accidental pregnancy which they will be unable
to terminate, millions of women daily expose themselves to the known and as yet
unknown dangers of the pill even though they would prefer not to.
e fear of accidental pregnancy is so great that even women who have medi-
cal histories that indicate that they should not take oral contraceptives feel com-
pelled to do so.
us while governments profess their overwhelming concern for human life,
they force their female citizens into the intolerable dilemma of choosing between
what in many instances would be a totally irresponsible act of bearing and casting
o, or even “raising” an unwanted child or jeopardizing their life and health, both
physical and mental, by obtaining an illegal abortion or attempting to self-abort.
What is more, this professed concern for life in fact results in hazards to women’s
lives, oen forcing them into the hands of unskilled and unscrupulous persons
directly in the face of the guarantees of the Fourteenth Amendment.
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
If the Fourteenth Amendment and its guarantees are to have any real meaning
for women, they must not be read to protect only women’s physical survival. The
Fourteenth Amendment speaks not merely of life, but of life and liberty. For the
framers of our constitution recognized well that it is not life alone which must be
protected, but also personal liberty and freedom. Because of that fact, the Consti-
tution has established requirements that neither life nor liberty may be denied a
person without the guarantees of due process....
It should be obvious that from the moment a woman becomes pregnant her sta-
tus in society changes as a result of both direct and indirect actions of the govern-
ment and because of social mores. Except in very rare cases (primarily among the
wealthy) she is certainly no longer “free in the enjoyment of all [her] faculties;...free
to use them in all lawful ways; to live and work where [she] will; to earn [her] live-
lihood by any lawful calling; to pursue any livelihood or avocation....” Pregnancy,
from the moment of conception, severely limits a woman’s liberty. In many cases of
both public and private employment women are forced to temporarily or perma-
nently leave their employment when they become pregnant. e employer has no
duty to transfer a pregnant woman to a less arduous job during any stage of preg-
nancy (should the woman or her doctor consider this advisable); nor is there any
statutory duty to rehire the woman aer she gives birth.... [R]egardless of whether
the woman wishes and/or needs to continue working, regardless of whether she is
physically capable of working, she may nonetheless be required to stop working
solely because of her pregnancy. In many if not most states women who are public
employees are compelled to terminate their employment at some arbitrary date
during pregnancy regardless of whether they are capable of continuing work.
But restrictions on a woman’s liberty and property only begin with pregnancy.
A woman worker with children is considered “unavailable for work” (which
means that she cannot qualify for unemployment compensation), if she restricts
her hours of availability to late aernoon and night shis so that she may care for
her children during the day....
Under these circumstances, a case can well be made that the anti-abortion law,
in compelling a pregnant woman to continue this condition against her wishes, is
not merely a denial of liberty, but also an imposition of cruel and unusual punish-
ment on the woman. “Connement” well describes the situation of the pregnant
woman, or mother, who is denied work, or restricted in her work because of an
employer’s decision on her ability to work.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Here we see how inextricably the rights to life and liberty are mixed and even
more how laws restricting abortion deny women both....
A further denial of liberty results from the fact that women are generally
forced to arbitrarily end their education because of pregnancy. Until recently,
girls who became pregnant were forced to drop out of public school in New
York. In New York City, Central Harlem, more than forty percent of the girls
who leave school before graduation do so because of pregnancy. is still hap-
pens in countless other cities throughout the country as well. Many women are
also deprived of higher education because of college rules requiring that pregnant
women leave school....
e incursions on the liberty of an unmarried woman who becomes pregnant
are even more severe. She too may be red from her job and is even more likely to be
compelled to discontinue her education. Unable to terminate her pregnancy, she
is oen forced into marriage against her will and better judgment in an attempt
to cope with the new economic and social realities of her life. Such marriages are
forced on women despite the fact that the right to marry or not to marry may not
be invaded by the state.
Of course, frequently, the man who is responsible for the pregnancy refuses to
marry her. en unable to support herself she may be forced to become a welfare
recipient, become part of that cycle of poverty, and expose herself to the personal
humiliation, loss of personal liberty and inadequate income that entails.
To further add to her diculties, the mere fact of her out-of-wedlock preg-
nancy or child resulting from that pregnancy may be used as “some evidential or
presumptive eect” to a decision to exclude or remove her from public housing.
us, having been forced to bear a child she did not want, she may be deprived of
her right and ability to provide for herself and her child either because of employer
policies or because of her inability to leave the child. Surviving on at least marginal
income, she who is most obviously in need of public housing is then deprived of
decent shelter because of the existence of that very same child.
For a woman perhaps the most critical aspect of liberty is the right to decide
when and whether she will have a child—with all the burdens and limitations on
her freedom which that entails. But that has been robbed from her by men who
make the laws which govern her....
Restrictive laws governing abortion such as those of Texas and Georgia are a
manifestation of the fact that men are unable to see women in any role other than
that of mother and wife....
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
e statutes of Georgia, Texas and nearly every other state in the nation simi-
larly deny to women throughout the country their most precious right to control
their lives and bodies.
The Georgia and Texas Statutes Restricting the Availability of Abortions
Deny Women the Equal Protection of the Laws Guaranteed to Them by
the Fourteenth Amendment
The express guarantee of equal protection was originally designed to protect black
people. Since that time, its protection has been greatly extended....
Most recently federal estate courts have begun to apply the guarantees of the
equal protection of the laws to prohibit discrimination against women....
Despite the fact that women are entitled to the equal protection of the laws, one
major area in which they are daily denied that protection is in the area of abortion.
Man and woman have equal responsibility for the act of sexual intercourse.
Should the woman accidentally become pregnant, against her will, however, she
endures in many instances the entire burden or “punishment.”
In obtaining an abortion, the threats and punishments fall on the woman.
is happens even where the decision to have an abortion has been a mutual one.
Only the woman is subjected to the variety of threats which oen accompany the
painful search for abortion—the threats of frightened or hostile doctors of giving
her name to the police—the threat of subpoena and/or prosecution if the doctor
who would help her is arrested.
It is oen said that if men could become pregnant or if women sat in the leg-
islatures there would no longer be laws prohibiting abortion. is is not said in
jest. It reaches to the heart of the unequal position of women with respect to the
burdens of bearing and raising children and the fact that they are robbed of the
ability to choose whether they wish to bear those burdens.
And the woman carries an unequal and greater share of the burden, not
merely for nine months, but for many years, all in violation of the equal protection
of the laws, as we shall discuss below. e abortion laws therefore present a rather
unusual constitutional situation. At rst glance, it would appear that the concept
of equal protection of the laws might not even apply to abortion since the laws
relate only to women. However, when we look beyond the face of the laws to their
eect, we see that the constitutional test of equal protection must be applied. For
the eect of the laws is to force women, against their will, into a position in which
they will be subjected to a whole range of de facto forms of discrimination based
on the status of pregnancy and motherhood.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
As we have discussed at length above, a woman who has a child is subject to
a whole range of de jure and de facto punishments, disabilities and limitations to
her freedom from the earliest stages of pregnancy. In the most obvious sense she
alone must bear the pains and hazards of pregnancy and childbirth. She may be
suspended or expelled from school and thus robbed of her opportunity for educa-
tion and self-development. She may be red or suspended from her employment
and thereby denied the right to earn a living and, if single and without indepen-
dent income, forced into the degrading position of living on welfare....
If a woman is unmarried, unless she succeeds in obtaining an abortion, she has
no choice but to bear the child, while the man who shares responsibility for her
pregnancy can, and oen does, just walk away....
Having been forced to give birth to a child she did not want, a woman may be
subject to criminal sanctions for child neglect if she does not care for the child to
the satisfaction of the state....
If such a broad range of disabilities are permitted to attach to the status of
pregnancy and motherhood, that status must be one of choice. And it is not suf-
cient to say that the women “chose” to have sexual intercourse, for she did not
choose to become pregnant. As long as she is forced to bear such an extraordi-
narily disproportionate share of the pains and burdens of childrearing (including,
of course, pregnancy and childbirth), then, to deprive her of the ultimate choice
as to whether she will in fact bear those burdens violates the most basic aspects
of “our American ideal of fairness” guaranteed and enshrined in the Fourteenth
Amendment.
ere is yet another way in which women are denied the equal protection of
the laws. is Court has shown great concern with the “conception of political
equality” and particularly with “questions of alleged ‘invidious discriminations
against groups or types of individuals in violation of the constitutional guaranty
of just and equal laws.’” Because of this concern, in a line of cases the court has
sought to guarantee that each citizen is fairly and equally represented in the legis-
lature which make laws governing his or her life. Nevertheless, in the instance of
abortion laws one nds the grossest form of lack of representation.
is court can surely take judicial notice of the fact that the state legislatures
in Texas and Georgia, like state legislatures throughout the country are composed
almost exclusively of men....
erefore we have a situation in which persons are making laws which could
never possibly aect them....
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
Abortion Laws Violate the Constitutional Guarantee Against the Imposi-
tion of Cruel and Unusual Punishment.
To understand what having an unwanted pregnancy and child means to a woman,
it may be best to consider the following analogy: a group of people are walking
along the street. Half the group crosses; the remainder are stopped by a red light.
Those stopped by the light are told the following:
From now on, for about nine months, you are going to have to carry a twenty-
five pound pack on your back. Now, you will have to endure it, whether you
develop ulcers under the load whether your spine becomes deformed, no
matter how exhausted you get, you and this are inseparable.
Then, after nine months you may drop this load, but from then on you
are going to have it tied to your wrist. So that, where ever you go this is going
to be with you the rest of your life and if, by some accident, the rope is cut or
the chain is cut, that piece of rope is always going to be tied to you to remind
you of it.
Of course, this analogy is not complete. It does not include the extreme, some-
times excruciating pain and risk of death involved with the process of transferring
the pack from your back to your wrist, nor does it fully describe the limitations
placed on your liberty by having that load chained to your wrist for a substantial
portion, if not all of your life. It does, however, begin to give some picture of the
pain and burden of pregnancy and motherhood when both are involuntary. Forc-
ing a woman to bear a child against her will is indeed a form of punishment, a
result of society’s ambivalent attitude towards female sexuality. e existence of
the sexual “double standard” has created the social response that when a woman
becomes pregnant accidentally, she must be “punished” for her transgression, par-
ticularly if she is single. is punishment falls solely on the woman: she must face
the physical burdens and emotional strains of an unwanted pregnancy, the degrad-
ing experience of having an illegal abortion “oen in lthy motel rooms at the
mercy of quacks who are charging exorbitant fees,” and if unable to get such an
abortion, the responsibilities and trauma involved in raising an unwanted child.
e man equally responsible for the pregnancy faces no such punishment....
e Eighth Amendment to the United States Constitution protects all per-
sons against the iniction of “cruel and unusual punishment.” Amici contend
that the expanding constitutional concern, as expressed by this Court, with prac-
tices which “oend the dignity of man,” are contrary to “the evolving standards
of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society” and punishment “dis-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
proportionate to the oense committed” as violative of the Eighth Amendment
necessitates a nding that laws restricting abortion are unconstitutional....
Laws which force women to endure unwanted pregnancy and motherhood
against their will or to become criminals and take the risks to physical and men-
tal health resulting from an illegal abortion are disproportionate to the act for
which they are being punished—an act which, in many instances, is not even
illegal. Further, amici contend that abortions, in fact if not in theory, punish
women for private, sexual activity for which only women bear the repercussions
of pregnancy therefore punishing them for their status as women and potential
child-bearers.
e pain and suering associated with an unwanted pregnancy or child, is
not solely physical pain. e emotional pain and scarring which accompanies an
unwanted pregnancy is an equally important and far more lasting form of pain
which must be considered in the context of guarantees of the Eighth Amendment,
and the emphasis given to mental anguish as a crucial component of “cruel and
unusual punishment.” According to Dr. Natalie Shainess, who has devoted the
majority of her -year practice as a psychoanalyst and psychiatrist to the area of
feminine psychology and particularly with experience of being a mother, a woman
who does not want her pregnancy suers depression through nearly the entire
pregnancy and oen that depression is extremely severe. Furthermore, according
to Dr. Shainess that depression continues even aer birth may even go into psy-
chotic states, and may result in permanent emotional damage to the woman.
Such potential permanent emotional damage, the risks to physical health and
safety which may also result in permanent physical harm, and the burdens of tak-
ing care of an unwanted child, constitute a form of long-term imprisonment. Such
long term imprisonment “could be so disproportionate to the oense as to fall
within the inhibition” of the Eighth Amendment....
Millions of women are now becoming truly conscious of the manifold forms
of oppression and discrimination of their sex in our society. ey are beginning
to publicly express their outrage at what they have always known—that bearing
and raising a child that they do not want is indeed cruel and unusual punish-
ment. Such punishment involves not only an indeterminate sentence and a loss
of citizenship rights as an independent person...great physical hardship and emo-
tional damage disproportionate to the crime of participating equally in sexual
activity with a man...but is punishment for her status as a woman and a potential
child-bearer.... Abortion laws reinforce the legally legitimized indignities that
women have already suered under for too long and bear witness to the inferior
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
position to which women are relegated. e total destruction of a woman’s sta-
tus in society results from compelling her to take sole responsibility for having
the illegal abortion or bear the unwanted child, and suer the physical hardship
and mental anguish whichever she chooses. Only the woman is punished by soci-
ety for an act in which she has participated equally, only she is punished for her
“status” as child-bearer. In light of “evolving standards of decency that mark the
progress of a maturing society,” the basis of the Eighth Amendment...the struggle
of women for full and meaningful equality in society over the last hundred years
indicates that it would indeed be a sign of the immaturity of our social develop-
ment if these laws were upheld. White persons have had to readjust their thinking
and actions to question whether laws which discriminated against blacks were
unconstitutional.
Men (of whom the legislatures and courts are almost exclusively composed)
must now learn that they may not constitutionally impose the cruel penalties of
unwanted pregnancy and motherhood on women, where the penalties fall solely
on them....
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Jane Roe
Planned Parenthood Federation of American, Inc. and American Association
of Planned Parenthood Physicians
is brief presents medical information designed to refute the assumption that new
methods of birth control, including oral contraceptives, were so reliable that the prohibi-
tion of abortion was no longer a serious public health concern.
e lawyers who led this brief were Harriet F. Pilpel, Nancy F. Wechsler, Ruth Jane
Zuckerman, and Michael Kenneth Brown. Harriet Pilpel (–) was a well-known
civil liberties lawyer who served as Planned Parenthood’s general counsel. She lectured
and wrote widely on ee speech issues as well as on abortion.
Planned Parenthood’s concern with family planning and family health necessarily
includes concern with the availability of abortion and with the compelling prob-
lems which result from restrictive abortion laws which make medically safe, legal
abortions unavailable to many women. Planned Parenthood has adopted a policy
on abortion which states in part:
The optimum method of birth control is the consistent employment of effec-
tive contraception but in practice this goal is sometimes not achieved. It is,
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
therefore, desirable that provisions respecting abortion not be contained in
State Criminal Codes. Planned Parenthood believes that since abortion is a
medical procedure, it should be governed by the same rules as apply to other
medical procedures in general when performed by properly qualified physi-
cians with reasonable medical safeguards.”
is commitment to the principle that safe abortions should be available to
all who seek them is a necessary corollary of Planned Parenthood’s activities in
the area of birth control. While Planned Parenthood does not view abortion as
an alternative to contraception, it recognizes that abortion services are essential to
protect women where contraception is unavailable, where it has not been used or
where it has failed. Planned Parenthood believes that abortions must also be avail-
able to women who have been raped and in cases where the fetus may be deformed
as a result of the mother’s exposure to rubella, her use of drugs which aect fetal
development or as a result of other factors.
Amici present the following material to bring to the Court’s attention the
serious health problems facing women and society where abortion is not avail-
able to terminate pregnancies which for a variety of reasons should not result in
compelling the birth of a child. Such pregnancies include those resulting from
contraceptive failure and from rape, as well as those which will probably result in
the birth of a deformed or defective child. ey also include pregnancies which
if carried to full term will create severe hardship or utterly disrupt the life of the
mother, particularly where she is an unmarried teenager.
Although contraceptive services are legally available in all states to married per-
sons and in almost all states without regard to marital status, in fact contracep-
tives are not readily available to a substantial portion of the population. This is
particularly true of urban and rural poor in many areas of the country. In some of
these areas even non-prescription and relatively ineffective contraceptives cannot
be obtained. Even if some form of contraception is available there is likelihood of
unwanted pregnancy since the most effective and practical contraceptives, such as
the birth control pill, the intrauterine device, and the diaphragm can be obtained
only on the prescription of a doctor whose services are denied to hundreds of
thousands of poor....
Because of the unavailability of contraceptives to so many women, and the
unavailability in most states of legal abortions, many medically indigent women,
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
who should not be forced to bear a child for medical or other reasons, have no
alternative unless willing and able to obtain illegal abortions.
....
() the combined type are “almost percent
eective” when “taken according to the prescribed regimen.” But the oral contra-
ceptives have disadvantages such as side eects during their early use. Moreover,
their use is medically contraindicated for certain patients, particularly those with
a history of thromboembolic disease....
[E]ven the theoretically most eective or highly eective methods of contra-
ception are not always actually eective for a number of reasons. Except for vol-
untary sterilization which many people will not use, even the most eective or
highly eective methods have shortcomings either in terms of method failures
or in terms of side eects or medical contraindications. In addition some of the
methods are so dicult to practice regularly and correctly that they have little
practical utility.
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Jane Roe
American Ethical Union, American Friends Service Committee,
American Humanist Association, American Jewish Congress, Episcopal
Diocese of New York, New York State Council of Churches, Union of
American Hebrew Congregations, Unitarian Universalist Association,
United Church of Christ, and Board of Christian Social Concerns of the
United Methodist Church.
is brief presents oices om the liberal religious community. It maintains that for the
goernment to enforce policies based on the Catholic faith—that “the product of every
conception is sacred”—would amount to an unconstitutional “establishment” of religion.
e lawyers who led this brief were Helen L. Buttenwieser and Bonnie P. Winawer.
Helen Buttenwieser (–) was a civic leader and one of the most prominent female
attorneys in New York City. In addition to the nine religious organizations listed on the
coer, the brief was also signed by the Planned Parenthood Association of Atlanta, Inc.;
Georgia Citizens for Hospital Abortion, Inc.; and Georgia residents.
....The Amici do not advocate abortion. They do advocate the right of an indi-
vidual to be free from State interference in the conduct of his or her private life.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
That freedom includes the determination whether or not to have a child. If an
individual does not want a child, the Amici believe he or she should be free to use
means to that end consistent with the woman’s health and safety....
e brief of the Amici stresses that the States may not unreasonably inter-
fere with the constitutional right of an individual to determine the course of his
or her own life and that the Georgia and Texas abortion laws constitute such an
interference. e Amici present related issues that Appellants have not discussed
in their Jurisdictional Statements—namely that there is no constitutional right of
birth and that the States may not justify the abortion laws’ interference with the
personal liberty of all persons on the ground of moral precepts not shared by all.
e Georgia and Texas abortion laws unjustiably restrict the reserved consti-
tutional liberty of all persons to conduct their private lives without unwarranted
governmental interference.
e religious view that the product of every conception is sacred may not val-
idly be urged by the States as a justication for limiting the exercise of constitu-
tional liberties, for that would be an establishment of religion.
e real basis of the claim of state interest in the foetus is a doctrinaire
“moral” concern for the “potential of independent human existence.” e theo-
retical moral concern is eected only by permitting a greater moral outrage: the
deep human suering of adults and children alike, that results from compelling
one to continue an unwanted pregnancy, to give birth to an unwanted child, and
to assume the burdens of unwanted parenthood.
To many minds the “moral” concern for the foetus is misplaced. Reective
judges, scholars and commentators have perceived and deplored the fact that reli-
gious beliefs underlie the retention of abortion laws....
No argument is needed to show that the police power cannot be employed in
the service of sectarian moral views without violating the Establishment Clause of
the First Amendment....
In Griswold v. Connecticut, the Court held that the right of privacy, whether
drawn from the penumbras of the First, ird, Fourth, Fih, Ninth and Four-
teenth Amendments, or protected by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment, protects the free exercise of one’s views (whether of religious or secu-
lar origin) on birth control. State laws such as the abortion laws at issue cannot be
justied on the ground that they comport with one group’s “moral” condemna-
tion of the exercise of the guaranteed freedom by others.
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
e abortion laws invade the fundamental individual liberty reserved by the
Constitution to conduct one’s personal life without unwarranted governmental
interference, and the laws’ infringement of that liberty is not warranted by any
overriding valid state interest.
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Jane Roe
California Committee to Legalize Abortion; South Bay Chapter of
the National Organization for Women; Zero Population Growth, Inc.;
Cheriel Moench Jensen; and Lynette Perkes
Presenting the most radical argument against the Texas statute, this brief, submitted
on behalf of Zero Population Growth and feminist advocates for abortion rights om
California, asserts that laws prohibiting abortion impose on women a condition of invol-
untary servitude in violation of the irteenth Amendment, which outlawed slavery.
e brief includes a graphic description of the physical burdens of pregnancy, an interest-
ing counterpoint to the detailed portrait of prenatal development contained in the main
Texas brief. is brief also cites the Rockefeller Commission report for the proposition
that the government’s legitimate interest lies in limiting rather than promoting popula-
tion growth.
e lawyer who led this brief was Joan K. Bradford, Esq.
Each of the organizations and individuals urges upon the Court the position that
laws restricting or regulating abortion as a special procedure violate the Thirteenth
Amendment by imposing involuntary servitude without due conviction for a crime
and without the justification of serving any current national or public need....
.
e irteenth Amendment to the Constitution provides:
Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the Unit-
ed States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
e Amendment, by its very language, prohibits both slavery and involuntary
servitude, and requires due conviction of a crime as a condition precedent to all
forms of involuntary servitude regardless of racial contexts.
From the outset, the Amendment has been interpreted by this Court to apply
to all persons without regard to race or class, and to guarantee universal freedom
in the United States....
It is the purpose of this brief to show that anti-abortion laws, which force an
unwillingly pregnant woman to continue pregnancy to term, are a form of invol-
untary servitude without the justication of serving any current national or public
need.
Involuntary Pregnancy and Childbearing as Involuntary Servitude.
Pregnancy is not a mere inconvenience. “The physical and functional alterations
of pregnancy involve all the body systems,” displacing body parts, depleting the
body of its necessary elements and changing its chemical balance.
e pregnant woman’s body is in a state of constant service, providing
warmth, nutrients, oxygen and waste disposal for the support of the conceptus.
ese activities are always to the detriment of the woman’s body. ey are per-
formed for the benet of the conceptus alone unless an interest of the pregnant
woman is also served thereby, that is, unless the pregnant woman denes the preg-
nancy as wanted.
During pregnancy, enlargement of the uterus within the abdominal cavity
displaces and compresses the other abdominal contents including the heart, lungs
and gastrointestinal tract. e resulting pressure has a direct eect on circula-
tion of the blood and increase in venous pressure, sometimes leading to irrevers-
ible varicose veins and hemorrhoids and, with predictable frequency, to disabling
thrombophlebitis. e gastrointestinal tract experiences functional interference
causing constipation and displacement of the urinary tract, thus urinary tract
infections occur in six to seven per cent of all pregnant women and such infec-
tions, in turn, lead to kidney infections. During the second and third months,
bladder irritability is quite constant. Tearing and overstretching of the muscles of
the pelvic oor occurs frequently during delivery, causing extensive and irrepara-
ble damage to the pelvic organs and their supporting connections. Surgery is oen
required to return these organs to position. Bladder control may be permanently
lost. e weight of the contents of the uterus causes sacroiliac strain accompanied
by pain and backache, with the eects of the pressure being felt as far as the out-
ermost extremities of the woman’s body. e weight causes such pressure on the
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
cervical spine as to result in numbness, tingling and proprioceptive acuity reduc-
tion in the hands.
During pregnancy estrogen levels exhibit severe increase, this phenomenon
accounting for the symptoms of nausea and vomiting occurring in one-half or
more of all pregnant women. If this condition is prolonged, hospitalization is
required. Evacuation of the contents of the uterus results in immediate and dra-
matic relief of symptoms. In severe cases blood protein may be destroyed. Bodies
of women who have died from this condition exhibit the symptoms of starvation,
acidosis, dehydration and multiple vitamin deciencies.
e excess progesterone produced by the placenta causes uid retention,
increase in blood pressure, weight gain, irritability, lassitude, severe emotional
tension, nervousness, inability to concentrate, and inability to sleep. At least
per cent of pregnant women have symptomatic edema, distorting the hands, face,
ankles and feet. A woman’s lungs respire per cent more air than normal in an
attempt to obtain the needed oxygen, but oxygen absorbed is less than normal
despite the extra eort of the crowded lungs.
Because the conceptus utilizes almost twice as much calcium as the pregnant
woman can assimilate from administered and dietary calcium, extra calcium must
be drawn from a woman’s calcium stores, mostly from her long bones. us, the
pregnant woman is likely to suer leg cramps. In young women, permanent bone
deformation results.
Total loss of a woman’s iron stores during pregnancy and delivery is measured
at mg. us anemia of pregnancy is high and almost all pregnant women,
especially those having repeated pregnancies, require supplementary iron. Eorts
to correct this condition may fail because many pregnant women cannot tolerate
iron supplements.
With such extensive eects, can pregnancy be considered as merely a “natural”
state of being?
Amici ask this Court to consider the lack of options open to the pregnant
woman at the time of onset of her pregnancy.
A. Contraceptive failure.
Contraceptives are never foolproof. Any act of intercourse between a fertile man
and woman constitutes some risk of conception, no matter what contraceptives
are used....
If , women who do not wish to become pregnant take the pill, three
will probably die within the year and , will become pregnant.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Under the present state of contraceptive failure, a woman does not have the
option of remaining free of pregnancy by making careful use of contraceptives.
She is at some risk in using the most eective methods of contraception available.
B. Limitations on the right to refuse.
The average married woman expects to bear two to three children, yet coitus takes
place between a couple married during the period of the woman’s reproductive
years (age to ) an average of , times. The frequency of coitus stated in
the Kinsey Report is average behavior between married couples. If the woman
wishes to remain free of pregnancy once her desired family size is reached, her only
sure method of remaining so free of pregnancy is complete abstinence from sexual
intercourse. If she embarks on such a course, will the law uphold her decision?
A wife has no legal power to refuse to participate in the intimacies of married
life. If she refuses her husband’s forced attentions, there is no law to intervene in
her behalf. She cannot charge her husband with rape. Indeed, if a married woman
attempts to practice abstinence, the laws of most states treat her behavior as a
denial of the marital right of the husband....
Under present law, a married woman has two choices: she can attempt to
refuse to fulll the sexual obligations of the marriage and thus risk termination of
her marriage; or she can participate in normal marital relations and risk unwanted
pregnancy and childbirth. With a choice of either alternative, she risks the con-
sequence of a legally imposed penalty. e woman is le with no non-punishable
course of action.
.
The women who bear children and the medical experts who assist them testify
that pregnancy and childbearing are indeed labor. The fact that many women
enter into such labor voluntarily and joyfully does not alter the fact that other
women, under other circumstances, find childbearing too arduous, become preg-
nant through no choice of their own, and are then forced to complete the preg-
nancy to term by compulsion of state laws prohibiting voluntary abortion.
It is the purpose of the irteenth Amendment to prohibit a relationship in
which one person or entity limits the freedom of another person. In the absence
of a compelling state interest or due conviction for a crime, the state’s forcing the
pregnant woman through unwanted pregnancy to full term is a denial of her
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
irteenth Amendment right to be free from “a condition of enforced compul-
sory service of one to another.” is is the very essence of involuntary servitude in
which the personal service of one person is “disposed of or coerced for another’s
benet.”....
’
....[E]ven if the position were accepted, arguendo, that the fetus is a “person” or
“potential person,” such recognition of the fetus would not provide the state with
a compelling interest to justify encroachment upon the pregnant woman’s posses-
sion and free control of her own person.
Let us assume, for the time being, that the pregnant woman and the fetus she
carries within her body have come before the law as equal “persons.” e woman
desires an abortion. May the state legitimately intervene to prevent the abortion?
At the present stage of medical knowledge and ability to control human incuba-
tion, the fetus cannot survive and develop into a separate self-sustaining person
without contribution of the bodily force of the single female individual who car-
ries that particular fetus within her body. Yet the laws prohibiting and regulating
abortion, unlike all other laws in respect of persons, compel this pregnant woman
to breathe, process food and donate blood for the sustenance of another human
entity, either fully or partially developed. In no other instance does the law compel
one individual to donate his/her bodily force to another individual. In no other
instance does the law give another human—even a fully developed human—a
right to life beyond that which the person himself can sustain.
e law does not give a person in need of blood the right to receive blood from
an unwilling donor; the conclusiveness of the law on this subject being so clearly
recognized that it is dicult even to imagine testing such a principle in the courts.
e law does not give a person whose kidneys or other body parts are not
functioning the right to demand another person’s kidneys or body parts....
Abortion laws alone compel the contribution of one individual’s organs,
blood, breath and life support system for another individual, either fully or par-
tially formed....
If the pregnant woman, as potential donor, and the fetus, as potential donee,
come before the law as equal “persons,” one may not command involuntary servi-
tude of the other; and so the potential donor retains her sovereignty over her body
and her right to refuse. erefore, it follows that the fetus, a potential person,
can have no greater right over a potential donor. Unless the state has some other
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
compelling interest in forcing the donation of the pregnant woman’s body to the
service of the fetus, the state must stand aside in the abortion conict; it cannot
legitimately intervene in preventing the pregnant woman from withholding her
life force from the fetus....
’
.
....A state cannot seriously contend today that restrictions on abortion are justified
by an overriding state interest in increasing population. See Ehrlich, The Popula-
tion Bomb, . On the contrary, it is accepted government policy to limit family
size and to encourage family planning. Such state interest is expressed in Popula-
tion and the American Future, The Report of the President’s Commission on Popula-
tion Growth and the Future (March, ) p. :
Recognizing that our population cannot grow indefinitely, and appreciat-
ing the advantage of moving now toward the stabilization of population, the
Commission recommends that the nation welcome and plan for a stabilized
population.
e President’s Commission recognizes the acceptability of voluntary abor-
tion as a method of achieving population stability....
Today, this country’s population has moved far beyond its needed growth,
and current government policy is to encourage population control. Anti-abortion
laws have outlived their purpose if regarded in historical perspective. Rights of the
individual pregnant woman can no longer be ignored.
e irteenth Amendment’s promise of freedom has long provided to male
citizens the sovereign control of their own bodies.
In , this Court protected the civil right of a male person, even one duly
convicted of crime, to control his own reproductive system. Skinner v. Oklahoma
(). Is it any the less important that this Court protect the right of a female
person to control her body and her reproductive system?
We respectfully request this Court to recognize that the anti-abortion laws
which force an unwillingly pregnant woman to continue pregnancy to term are a
form of involuntary servitude without due conviction for a crime and without the
justication of serving any national or public need.
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Henry Wade
Americans United for Life
We now turn to the briefs that were led on behalf of Texas. For a description of Ameri-
cans United for Life (AUL), see page . Just as the public health brief for Jane Roe
made an equal protection argument for decriminalizing abortion, this brief also draws
on the Supreme Court’s equal protection jurisprudence to argue the other side: that
permitting abortion amounts to unconstitutional discrimination against the unborn.
Pursuing AUL’s objective of expressing the wrong of abortion in secular terms persuasive
to non-Catholic audiences, the brief locates the right to life of “the innocent child in the
womb” in a civil rights amework.
e lawyer who led this brief was Charles E. Rice, Esq.
.
In Levy v. Louisiana (), the Court said: “We start from the premise that illegit-
imate children are not ‘nonpersons.’ They are humans, live, and have their being.
They are clearly ‘persons’ within the meaning of the Equal Protection Clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment.”
e child in the womb meets these criteria of personhood under the Equal
Protection Clause. He is human, he lives and he has his being. at is, he is a
living human being. As the highest court of New Jersey summarized the state of
scientic knowledge, “Medical authorities have long recognized that a child is in
existence from the moment of conception.” Smith v. Brennan (N.J. ).
e character of the child in the womb as a person is clearly recognized in the
law of torts....
It is signicant that a majority of courts, keeping pace with advancing scien-
tic knowledge, now hold that even a stillborn child may maintain a wrongful
death action where his death was caused by a prenatal injury.
A similar trend can be seen in the law of property.... e law of property has
long recognized the rights of the child in the womb for purposes which aect the
property rights of that child....
For purposes of equity, too, the law has recognized the existence of the child
in the womb. An unborn child, for example, can compel his father to provide him
support. He can compel his mother to undergo a blood transfusion for his benet,
even where such transfusion is forbidden by the mother’s religious beliefs....
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Suce it to say that the child in the womb satises the three criteria for per-
sonhood—he is human, he lives and he has his being—enunciated in Levy v. Loui-
siana. He is clearly alive and in being. As the living ospring of human parents, he
can be nothing else but human. As a living human being he is therefore a person
within the meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.
Even if one somehow does not concede that the child in the womb is a living
human being, one ought at least to give him the benet of the doubt. Our law does
not permit the execution, or imprisonment under sentence, of a criminal unless
his guilt of the crime charged is proven beyond a reasonable doubt. e innocent
child in the womb is entitled to have us resolve in his favor any doubts we may feel
as to his living humanity and his personhood.
,
.
The right to live is more basic even than the right to procreate. And there is “no
redemption” for the aborted child in the womb. The abortion is to his “irreparable
injury” and by it he “is forever deprived of a basic liberty.” Any law which inter-
feres with the right to live must therefore be carefully scrutinized. It is appropriate
to apply here the principles which govern the application of the Equal Protection
Clause to another basic right—the right to be free from racial discrimination....
ere is no sucient necessity which justies a law which permits the killing
of the child in the womb where it is not necessary to save the life of his mother.
We are not concerned in this appeal with the question of whether a state law can
constitutionally allow abortion where it is necessary to save the life of the mother.
Rather the issue is whether the constitution permits the child in the womb to be
killed where it is not necessary to save the life of his mother. To permit the child
in the womb to be killed in such a case improperly discriminates against him on
account of his age and situation. For the law does not allow a born child or an
adult to be killed at the discretion of another or in any other situation where his
killing is not necessary to save the life of another.
Discrimination in employment on account of age is now forbidden by federal
law which enunciates a strong public policy. And while age may be a reasonable
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
criterion for determining the right to vote or to drive a car, it can hardly be con-
tended that it is a reasonable basis for determining whether one has a right to con-
tinue living. e child in the womb should have the same right as his older brother
or sister not to be killed where it is unnecessary to save the life of his mother. Nor
should the fact that he temporarily reposes in his mother’s womb rather than in
an incubator or a crib operate to deprive the child of the right to continue living....
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Henry Wade
Certain Physicians, Professors and Fellows of the American College of
Obstetricians and Gynecologists
is brief argues for the personhood of an obstetrician’s unborn patient, and also asserts
that abortion is medically dangerous for women.
e lawyers who led this brief were Dennis J. Horan; Jerome A. Frazel, Jr; omas
M. Crisham; Dolores B. Horan; and John D. Gorby. e brief was signed by indi-
vidual doctors, including medical school professors and those in private practice. Among
the signers were fellows of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists,
dissenting om the organization’s ocial position as expressed in the brief it led on
behalf of Jane Roe. One of the signers was Dr. John C. Willke, whose Handbook on Abor-
tion, had recently been published (see pp. –). e lead counsel, Dennis J. Horan
(–), was one of the country’s most prominent anti-abortion lawyers and spokes-
men. A legal advisor to the United States Catholic Conference, he founded Americans
United for Life’s legal defense fund and later served as AUL’s chairman.
Ed.’s note: Omitted om this excerpt is a description of fetal development that
duplicated the description contained in the main brief for Henry Wade. Another brief
led in support of the Texas law, by the Texas Diocesan Attorneys, contained a similar
description.
[A]mici are physicians, professors and certain Fellows of the American College
of Obstetrics and Gynecology who seek to place before this Court the scientific
evidence of the humanity of the unborn so that the Court may know and under-
stand that the unborn are developing human persons who need the protection of
law just as do adults.
ese amici also desire to bring to the Court’s attention the medical complica-
tions of induced abortion, both in terms of maternal morbidity and mortality (as
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
well as the mortality to the child), and to show that these are questions of consid-
erable debate in medicine....
In reviewing the Briefs led in both cases it appears that no attempt was made
to advise the Court of the scientic facts of life from conception to birth, or of the
medical complications of induced abortion....
An expansion of the right to privacy to include the right of a woman to have
an abortion without considering the interests of the unborn person decides this
question against the unborn. e necessary consequence of that expansion would
be a direct and unavoidable conict between the unborn person’s right to life and
the woman’s extended right of privacy. Assuming such a conict, it is the position
of the amici that the more fundamental and established of the conicting rights
must prevail where they clash. e right to life is most certainly the most funda-
mental and established of the rights involved in the cases facing the Court today.
.
.
The medical hazards of legally induced abortion are all too often compared to the
safety of a tonsillectomy or the “proverbial tooth extraction.” (See Texas Appel-
lant’s brief.) Data presented from Eastern European mortality statistics have often
been used to produce such claims as “it is X-times safer to have an abortion than to
carry the child to term.” These claims have been widely published in newspapers
and lay periodicals; when made by the non-professional, they are forgivable; when
made by “medical experts,” one can only assume that these “experts” have allowed
a desire for “social change” to fog their ability to distinguish first-rate from second-
rate medical care.
e world’s medical literature does not support such claims. e medical
hazards of legal abortion should be presented to the Court in their total perspec-
tive through an analysis of this literature. It is imperative to note that when one
focuses only on the legal abortion mortality rates from selected countries around
the world, one can only see the risks of legal abortion through tunnel vision. e
total medical picture cannot be understood without a look at the early and late
physical and psychological complications. Indeed, these are the complications
which aect the greater number of people and result in what a World Health
Organization scientic group said was “a great amount of human suering.”
....e obstetrician has two patients: mother and child. It is deplorable to think
that discussions of mortality can so easily exclude the child. e court should
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
recognize that the mortality to the child is nearly . Only an occasional child
has the strength to survive. Let us not forget that abortion kills children of vary-
ing ages and stages in development. e unheard voices of these little ones are
our concern, and we deplore this violent trend which is turning the healing art
of medicine into a source of ecient swi and sure destruction of human life. A
trend which will yield a “body count” unlike any we have seen in our nation’s his-
tory. We deplore the condition of a society which calls physicians to exercise their
art as a tool of death for those yet unborn....
Most abortion proponents not involved in public eorts to promote their
cause, admit that elective removal of the fetus is without psychiatric or medical
justication. e fetus has not been shown to be a direct cause of any emotional
disorder, and present medical capabilities make pregnancies safe. Almost always,
other means than abortion are available to handle any medical or psychiatric com-
plications of pregnancy. Indeed, if a woman wants her child, there are no medical
or psychiatric indications that ever make an abortion necessary....
e medical hazards of legally induced abortion are signicant and must be
recognized. When one focuses only on selected abortion mortality rates from
Eastern Europe to make claims regarding the safety of legally induced abortion,
one is looking for a motive to sell abortion. While the mortality rates alone do not
present a total perspective analysis, they should not, on the other hand, be isolated
from the mortality, numbering already in the hundreds of thousands, of
innocent unborn children. Indeed, one must recognize that the performance of
legally induced abortion upon healthy women is not the practice of medicine at
all, but rather another example of the violence of our times; the use of one more
technological skill to destroy human life....
It is respectfully submitted that the unborn is a “person” within the meaning of
the th and th Amendments. Consequently, the unborn’s life can be taken only
with due process of law, and its life is entitled, like all other persons’ lives, to equal
protection under the law.
e voidance of state abortion statutes by court or legislature is governmen-
tal action which deprives the innocent unborn of the right to life, and therefore
deprives them of equal protection and due process. is Court should therefore
protect the unborn’s constitutional rights in any decision it renders.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Henry Wade
National Right to Life Committee
Presenting itself as “non-sectarian” despite its origins in, and continuing ties to, the Cath-
olic Church, the National Right to Life Committee oers a point-by-point refutation
of constitutional arguments for abortion rights. e right to privacy recognized by the
Supreme Court in the birth control case, Griswold v. Connecticut, cannot be applied
to abortion, the brief argues, because “there is another important interest at stake, the
life of the unborn child.”
e lawyers who led this brief were Aled L. Scanlan; Robert M. Byrn; Juan
J. Ryan; Joseph V. Gartlan, Jr., and Martin J. Flynn. Robert Byrn had published the
early and inuential law review article excerpted in Part I, page , and also brought a
lawsuit that challenged the constitutionality of New York’s legalization of abortion [see
page , Byrn v. NYC Health and Hospital].
The National Right to Life Committee is a non-sectarian, interdisciplinary orga-
nization that is committed to informing and educating the general public on
questions related to the sanctity of human life. Protecting the right to life of the
unborn child is of central concern for NRLC. The Committee believes that pro-
posals for total repeal or relaxation of present abortion laws represent a regres-
sive approach to serious human problems. NRLC is in favor of a legal system that
protects the life of the unborn child, while recognizing the dignity of the child’s
mother, the rights of its father, and the responsibility of society to provide support
and assistance to both the mother and child....
....NRLC sees no point in belaboring the scientifically obvious. Life begins at con-
ception and for practical medical purposes can be scientifically verified within
days. Within three weeks, at a point much before “quickening” can be felt by the
mother, the fetus manifests a working heart, a nerve system, and a brain different
from and independent of the mother in whose womb he resides; the unborn fetus
is now a living human being. It is universally agreed that life has begun by the time
the mother realizes she is pregnant and asks her doctor to perform an abortion.
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
e appellants, and those allied with them as amici curiae in this case, are
hard put to deny that a state has a grave and important interest in preventing the
destruction of human life through unjustiable abortion. However, they argue
that even assuming such an interest, the abortion laws do not reect that interest
since, they claim, such laws were passed for another purpose, i.e., to protect the life
and health of pregnant women who submit to illegal, and what once were highly
dangerous, operations. eir position here crumbles before the thrust of the his-
tory of Anglo-Saxon law both in England and in this Country. at history shows
conclusively that the protection of the life of the unborn child was always a major
purpose, if not the paramount purpose, surrounding the enactment of the abor-
tion laws in both England and the United States....
Let us then address ourselves specically to the question of balancing the two
rights which may appear to be in conict in these cases. at question must be:
To what extent can the State protect the right of an unborn infant to continue its
existence as a living being in the face of a claim of right of privacy on the part of a
woman to decide whether or not she wishes to remain with child?
is Court has decided that the Constitution protects certain rights of pri-
vacy on the part of a woman arising from the marital relationship which cannot be
unjustiably interfered with by the State. NRLC believes that the genesis of such
rights, to the extent such rights may exist, must be found among the “penumbral”
personal liberties protected by the Due Process Clause of the Fih Amendment.
Yet equally unchallengeable is the proposition that an unborn child’s right not to
“be deprived of life,” to quote the words of the Due Process Clause itself, is also
a fundamental personal right or liberty protected by that same amendment and
entitled to the traditional searching judicial scrutiny and review aorded when
basic personal liberties are threatened by state action, whether legislative or judi-
cial in character. erefore, it is very clear that this case is not one, as the appellants
would portray it, which involves merely the balancing of a right of personal liberty
(i.e., a married woman’s privacy) against some competing, generalized state inter-
est of lower priority or concern in an enlightened scheme of constitutional values,
such as the state’s police power. Here, the Court must choose between a nebulous
and undened legal “right” of privacy on the part of a woman with respect to the
use of her body and the State’s right to prevent the destruction of a human life.
at election involves the determination as to whether the State’s judgment that
human life is to be preferred is a prohibited exercise of legislative power.
ere would be no question of the answer, of course, if the choice were
between a woman’s “right to privacy” and the destruction of an unwanted aer-
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
born child. Yet abortion is distinguishable from infanticide only by the event of
birth. e recent ndings of medical science now suggest that any distinction, at
least from a medical if not a legal point of view, disappears very early in a woman’s
pregnancy and in the life of the unborn child within the womb. Contrary to the
appellants’ assumption in these cases, a state’s interest in regulating abortion is not
bottomed exclusively on concern for the health of the mother, a concern which
admittedly would be of less than persuasive eect, since it cannot be success-
fully established that abortions during the early period of pregnancy performed
by competent physicians in hospital surroundings represent a substantially high
medical risk to the life and health of the mother. e state interest which justi-
es what Texas and Georgia have done rests on a concern for human life, even
though that life be within the womb of the mother. Such an interest on the part
of the State has existed since the common law of England. Now the separate, early
and independent existence of fetal life has been conclusively proven by medical
science. While it may be impossible for the State to insist on maintaining such a
life under all circumstances, can it seriously be maintained that the Government
is powerless to insist on protecting it from intentional destruction, absent danger
to the mother’s life?
Under the analysis set out above, the appellant’s argument in support of a
woman’s “sovereignty...over the use of her body” cannot stand. Either () the argu-
ment means that she has a “private right” or personal freedom which permits her
to decide, for any reason whatsoever, whether to sustain and support, or whether
to eliminate, a life which she alone may decide is unwanted; or () it means that
she has some kind of right to bodily integrity which permits her and her alone
to decide under all circumstances whether to retain, or permit to be destroyed, a
human life contained within her own body.
In all fairness we doubt that the rst is the correct understanding of the basis
of the “private right of personal freedom” for which the appellants contend. For,
were that principle ever to be accepted as the law, there would have crept into
the Constitution a potentially terrifying principle that, with very little more logic
than the appellants have relied upon to sustain their position in these cases, would
equally justify infanticide and euthanasia, at least if the victims were those in a
relationship of dependence with the person or persons who wished to destroy
them. Nor would the laws which forbid abandonment, failure of support and
child neglect be immune from attack.
If the appellants and their supporting amici are maintaining that a woman
has a right to the integrity of her body sucient to permit her alone to decide,
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
for whatever reason, whether to terminate a pregnancy, the proposition cannot
prevail. If a woman has sovereignty over her body of the degree suggested by the
appellants, how could the States ban prostitution, outlaw suicide or prohibit the
use of harmful drugs?
However, in the amicus brief led by the American Association of University
Women and other women’s organizations, the “sovereignty of the body” argument
is made in a disguised and supercially more plausible form. ese amici assert
a woman’s right of “reproductive autonomy.” is they dene as the “personal,
constitutional right of a woman to determine the number and spacing of her chil-
dren, and thus to determine whether to bear a particular child.... “Such a right,
those amici argue, evolves inevitably from the recognition which this Court has
aorded to those human interests “which relate to marriage, sex, the family and
the raising of children.” ...Parents may have a constitutional right to plan for the
number and spacing of children. Still, that right cannot be extended to permit the
destruction of a living human being absent a threat to the life of the mother car-
rying the unborn baby. Family planning, including the contraceptive relationship,
is a matter between a man and a woman alone. e abortion relationship, on the
other hand, is between the parents and the unborn child....
....NRLC disputes the assertion that a woman enjoys any right of privacy, as
yet undened in American law, which vests in her alone the absolute authority to
terminate a pregnancy for any reason whatsoever. No precedents of this Court
have gone so far....
In relying on the Griswold case, the appellants have not considered that in
this case, as opposed to that decision, there is another important interest at stake,
the life of an unborn child. If, despite all the medical evidence and legal history
on the point, the unborn child is not to be considered a person within contempla-
tion of the law with legally protectable interests, then Griswold possibly might
be stretched to serve as a precedent for the result that the appellants urge this
Court to reach. On the other hand, if terminating pregnancy is something dier-
ent from preventing it, if abortion is dierent from cosmetic surgery, if the fetus is
not in the same class as the wart, and if we are dealing with something other than
an inhuman organism, then Griswold is totally inapposite. As medical knowledge
of prenatal life has expanded, the rights of the unborn child have been enlarged.
And even if it could still be argued that the fetus is not fully the equal of the adult,
the law, through centuries of judicial decision and legislation, and following the
lead supplied by medical science, has raised the equivalency of that life to such a
status that the unborn child may not be deprived of it, absent the demonstrated
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
necessity of protecting a reasonably equivalent interest on the part of the mother.
Griswold, of course, presented no such conict and therefore is not controlling in
this case....
In both cases, the doctor-appellants alleged that the particular statute in ques-
tion “chills and defers plaintiffs from practicing their profession as medical
practitioners” and thus offends rights guaranteed by the First and Fourteenth
Amendments. The dispositive answer to these contentions is that neither statute
proscribes speech or medical advice but prohibits the commission of the crimi-
nal acts specified in the statute. If, as this amicus maintains, the acts outlawed
by the statutes are within the constitutional competency of Texas and Georgia to
proscribe as criminal conduct, then the argument is closed. Criminal acts do not
fall within the “freedom of speech” which the First Amendment protects. On the
other hand, if we are wrong and these statutes do represent unconstitutional inva-
sions of a woman’s right to privacy, then the free speech argument advanced by
the doctor-appellants becomes superfluous. Apart from that, however, we do not
believe that the appellants can seriously argue that these abortion statutes are vul-
nerable on their face as abridging a doctor’s or anyone else’s right of free expression.
e identical rationale also answers appellants’ claims that any freedom to
pursue the profession of medicine guaranteed by the Due Process Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment is oended by the statutes involved in these cases. And
it legitimately could be asked whether the deliberate destruction of the unborn
child, absent a threat to a mother’s life or a serious menace to her health, is really
the practice of the “healing art” of medicine.
As so oen happens in such cases, the parties attacking abortion statutes argue
that they discriminate against the economically deprived. Specically, appellants
contend that there is an advantage to the class which is able to obtain abortions
and that this advantage is enjoyed only by the more auent people of Texas, Geor-
gia and the rest of the United States. We doubt that this contention rises to the
level of a constitutional argument which must be dealt with in these cases. If it
were necessary, NRLC would point out that the statutes on their face apply to all
persons committing the acts condemned and that there is no suggestion that they
seek to discriminate on any invidious basis, including that of income.
Of course, departing from the facts of the two cases, it might be argued
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
abstractly that () a poor woman nds it more dicult than a rich woman to leave
Texas or Georgia in order to get an abortion in a jurisdiction where that might be
legal, and () she cannot aord treatment by a private physician who, some might
say, would be more inclined to nd a legal reason for the abortion. Hence, the two
statutes bear unequally upon the poor. However, the same theoretical argument
could be made of many types of conduct proscribed by the criminal laws of Texas
and Georgia. ere are jurisdictions to which wealthy persons may travel in order
to indulge in the doubtful pleasures of gambling at will, using narcotics without
restraint, and enjoying a plurality of wives. Could these doubtful “advantages” on
the part of the rich be relied on as any basis to set aside the criminal statutes of
Texas or Georgia proscribing such activities within those jurisdictions?
And even if it were assumed to be true that the rich are more likely than the
poor to secure the services of a sympathetic physician for purposes of terminating
an unwanted pregnancy, such a result, unintended by the statute, would not rise
to the level of a constitutional inrmity.... If the statute is to fail, it must be shown
that on its face it takes away a right guaranteed to the poor by the Constitution.
No such showing is possible in these cases.
Many criminal laws in actual practice do bear with unequal severity upon the
poor. It is they who are more likely than the rich to be caught, to be unable to post
bail bond, to be prosecuted, to be unskillfully defended, to be convicted and to be
punished. However, the remedy for these injustices of society lies in the elimina-
tion or mitigation of the conditions and causes of poverty and in the reform of the
administration of criminal justice, not by the selective invalidation of otherwise
lawfully enacted criminal statutes.
’
In addition to their arguments of unconstitutionality, the appellants, and their
supporting amici, dwell at some length on what they believe is the poor public
policy inherent in the Texas and Georgia abortion statutes in particular and in
abortion laws generally. Attention is called to the fact that the presence of strict
abortion statutes requires women often to go to non-medical practitioners for the
performance of illegal abortions conducted under poor hygienic conditions. The
problem of world overpopulation is also touched upon in the appellants’ marshal-
ling of their reasons why they think abortion laws are a bad thing. Finally, in the
brief of at least one of the amici, there is the suggestion that abortion laws stand in
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
the way of women’s liberation and represent a stamp of servility imposed by men
upon the women of America.
In our opinion, the validity of all of these arguments is very questionable. In
any case, their assertion, directly or indirectly, in this litigation is misplaced. ey
should be directed to the legislatures of Texas and Georgia, not to this Court.
Moreover, we point out that in recent years it has not been impossible to con-
vince state legislatures that their abortion statutes should be revised. Even if the
appellants’ public policy arguments were addressed to a legislative body, NRLC
would dispute their validity. For example, Sweden, a country not unlike ours, and
the nation which has had the longest experience with state-regulated abortions in
Western Europe, has produced no evidence that criminal abortions, estimated at
, a year when the law was passed in , have been substantially reduced
since that time. Other studies conrm the belief that liberalization of abortion
laws eect no reduction in the rate of criminal abortions and all that is done is to
increase the total number of abortions.
So far as any alleged problem of overpopulation is concerned, abortion,
whether on the free demand of a woman or on the intimidating command of the
State, appears as a completely ineective and extremely dangerous way to deal with
such a problem, if it exists. For instance, one side eect of the repeal of abortion
statutes and the fostering of abortion through state auspices is that no group will
be more likely to feel the sting more bitingly than the mothers of illegitimate chil-
dren. Already, laws making the birth of illegitimate children a crime suggest the
squeeze to which the poor mother might be subjected in an age of unrestricted,
and state-sponsored, abortion.
Finally, the suggestion that laws against abortion were enacted by men to
constrain the behavior of women has nothing to support it except the historical
accident that most of the criminal statutes, including abortion laws, were enacted
by male legislators in the th Century when women were unable to vote. It is not
evident how this general condition of political freedom inuenced abortion laws
more than it inuenced other developments in the criminal law. Moreover, more
women than men currently disapprove of elective, or unrestricted, abortion. e
suggestion that abortion laws are peculiarly the product of a male-dominated gov-
ernment is especially inapposite in the case of Georgia, which enacted the abortion
statute involved in this litigation in . is amicus applauds the continuing
process by which illegal discriminations against women have been removed. How-
ever, the claim that a woman should be free to destroy a human being whom she
has conceived by voluntarily having sexual intercourse can only make sense if that
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
human being be regarded as part of herself, a part which she may discard for her
own good. However, at this point, the evolution of social doctrine favoring free-
dom for women collides squarely with modern scientic knowledge and with the
medical and judicial recognition that the fetus in the womb is a living person. A
woman should be le free to practice contraception; she should not be le free to
commit feticide.
Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of Henry Wade
Women for the Unborn
is brief’s stated goal was to present the oices of women speaking for the unborn, as
opposed to those briefs led by “groups of women who are advancing the rights of women
alone.” e brief argues that abortion is an “easy” but not a “true solution” to a woman’s
problems. We see here a use of the phrase “abortion-on-demand” with a negative con-
notation that suggests recklessness; should the court “extend abortion-on-demand to the
entire country?” the brief asks.
e lawyer who led the brief was Eugene J. McMahon, Esq. e brief was signed by
Diane Arrigan, president, Women for the Unborn, “representing , women;” Lucille
Bualino, chairman of the Long Island Celebrate Life Committee, “representing ,
women;” and Mrs. Norbet Winter, president, Women Concerned for the Unborn Child,
“representing , women.”
The interest of the organizations and the persons listed below as amici curiae in
this case arises from the fact that there are appearing before this Court amici curiae
and other groups of women who are advancing the rights of women alone. We are
stressing the rights of the unborn without overlooking the rights of the mothers.
This brief will treat the psychological, medical and other factors involved as well
as legal points. However, it will not duplicate material presented in other briefs.
It is to plead on behalf of life that we have prepared this brief. As women and
mothers, we ask the Justices of the Supreme Court to consider our views, which
can be summed up in the following four statements:
() e unborn child is a distinct individual. Modern genetics has conrmed
scientically what women have long felt intuitively—the presence of another
human life, a life to be reverenced and protected.
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
() Many women who seek abortions are acting from an overpowering but tem-
porary fear. Most of these women really desire to have their baby, and they will
later be glad that their eort to secure an abortion was unsuccessful. In order
to react constructively to the stresses and tensions of pregnancy, women need
the support of society—not the address of the nearest abortion clinic.
() While abortion is an easy solution for many social problems, it is not a true
solution for any. Its availability may prevent more constructive solutions from
emerging.
() e social consequences of unlimited abortion are as yet unknown.
Furthermore, both the moral and the legal arguments for abortion-on-
demand have attained popularity only within the last few years. Since the test of
time has not been applied, should a nal decision be made which would extend
abortion-on-demand to the entire country?
, the state laws restricting abortions protect both thou-
sands of unborn babies and thousands of mothers. erefore, we respectfully ask
the Justices of this Court not to strike them down.
e easy solution of abortion discourages more constructive solutions.
Even if one overlooks the biological evidence concerning the unborn child,
or the psychological testimony that most women seeking to take the life of their
unborn baby, like most persons seeking to take their own life, desire to be stopped
by someone, is abortion really a satisfactory solution to any social problem? Will
the availability of the easier abortion “solution” discourage our society from seek-
ing deeper and more permanent solutions?
Such a fear appears to lie behind the opposition to abortion-on-demand
within the black community. Despite assurances by abortion advocates, many
members of the black community seem to suspect that numerous abortion clin-
ics in ghetto areas could end up as the “white man’s” solution to the problems of
poverty and race.
When the poor cry out for bread, what response will they receive? e more
dicult response—an equitable distribution of society’s resources? Or the easier
response—a list of centers where abortions can be performed on those who would
not seek them except for their desperate poverty? While these two responses are
not mutually exclusive, to what extent will the availability of the second lessen
society’s incentive to seek the rst?
BRIEFS FILED BY “FRIENDS OF THE COURT”
Sponsors of non-abortional family planning have also expressed concern that
reliance on abortion could lessen the eectiveness of their eorts. Could abortion-
on-demand adversely aect other programs which require a commitment of soci-
ety’s resources—e.g., programs to assist the unwed mother or eorts to provide
easily accessible counseling services for all women who need such support in order
to respond constructively to the anxieties they experience during pregnancy?
Perhaps these fears about the adverse social eects of easy abortion will turn
out to be unfounded. At the moment, however, that is far from certain. Until
some kind of denite evidence is available concerning the social pattern that is
emerging in those states which have removed all restrictions on abortion, should
a nal decision be made which would extend abortion-on-demand to the entire
country? For if easy abortion does indeed produce such undesirable social eects,
would this not be a ground in itself for state regulation of the practice?
If a verdict of unconstitutionality is reached concerning state laws which
protect the unborn child and the mother herself from an immediate decision to
terminate life, then the legislative discussion is over. If these laws are held to be
constitutional, their wisdom will continue to be debated in our state and national
legislatures.
If any doubt exists, would it not be better to allow the discussion to continue?
On behalf of the unborn child...the mother...and society itself...we ask the
Court to preserve the right of the state to protect unborn human life.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Just as this book contains many voices, it is the product of many hands.
Jennifer Bennett worked on the project from its conception through its
production, and played a role both creative and practical throughout; Jennifer
Keighley also provided invaluable assistance. “Research assistant” does not begin
to convey the contribution made by “the Jenns,” two wonderfully gied young
women, both graduates of Yale Law School.
We are indebted to two remarkable Yale Law School librarians, Camilla Tubbs
and Jason Eiseman, whose enthusiasm for this project carried them above and
beyond the call of duty. eir help in identifying, retrieving and organizing in digi-
tal space a substantial archive of original and secondary sources was indispensable.
We thank Naomi Rogers, Barry Friedman, Hunter Smith, and Sarah Ham-
mond for the time they devoted to reading the manuscript at various stages of its
assembly and for the helpful feedback they provided. Linda Kerber, one of the
country’s preeminent historians, was most helpful in providing national context
for our New York and Connecticut documents. We thank Barbara Consiglio for
her invaluable assistance in preparing the documents for editing.
Amy Kesselman was extraordinarily generous in helping us to recover docu-
ments from Women vs. Connecticut, a case on which she has done signicant his-
torical research. Members of the original legal team, including Gail Falk, Ann
Freedman, Kathryn Emmett, and Dina Lassow, were extremely helpful. We
particularly thank Nancy Stearns and Rhonda Copelon. Judge Jon O. Newman
joined the hunt for lost documents and found some in his les.
And we are especially indebted to those whose words became our primary
source material. Any of the authors whose work is here reproduced could have said
no, but all said yes, and so enabled us to reconstruct for our readers some sense of
the national conversation about abortion that unfolded in the decade before Roe.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank the editors of the Yale Law Journal for permission to reprint our
article. And we thank, once again, Jason Eiseman of the Lillian Goldman Law
Library at Yale, without whose expertise the publication of this book in its current
form would not have been possible.
Last but not least, in consideration of the many conversations shared and eve-
nings foregone through the production of this book, we thank, for their extraordi-
nary partnership and their patience, Eugene Fidell and Robert Post.
SOURCES AND
SUGGESTED READING
Sources for the documents are noted with each excerpt. Here, we oer sources
for additional background, as well as for the quotations and other information
presented in the annotations.
Additionally, in copying the excerpts, we have corrected spelling errors in the
original documents, and made spelling, punctuation and formatting consistent.
e paragraph structure of the documents may dier from the originals, and head-
ings within the original documents were not always reproduced in the excerpts.
We have endeavored to mark any passages omitted from the excerpts by ellipses.
PART I: Reform
On the social history of abortion and contraception, see:
Brodie, Janet Farrell. Contraception and Abortion in th-Century America (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, ).
Gordon, Linda. e Moral Property of Women: A History of Birth Control Politics in
America (Champaign, IL: University of Illiinois Press, ).
Luker, Kristin. Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, ).
Messer, Ellen & Kathryn E. May. Back Rooms: Voices om the Illegal Abortion Era
(New York: St. Martin’s, ).
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
Mohr, James C. Abortion in America: e Origins and Evolution of National Policy,
- (New York: Oxford University Press, ) -.
Reagan, Leslie J. When Abortion Was a Crime: Women, Medicine, and Law in the
United States, - (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, ).
Tone, Andrea. Controlling Reproduction: An American History (Wilmington, DE:
SR Books, ).
On Jane Roe, see:
Kaplan, Laura. e Story of Jane: e Legendary Underground Feminist Abortion
Service (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ).
Kaplan, Laura. “Beyond Safe and Legal: e Lessons of Jane,” Abortion Wars: A Half
Century of Struggle, - (Rickie Solinger ed., Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, ) .
On illegal abortions before Roe, see:
Solinger, Rickie. “Extreme Danger: Women Abortionists and eir Clients before
Roe v. Wade,” Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America, -
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, ) .
“e Abortion Puzzle,” Tulsa Tribune, July , .
“e Drug that Le a Trail of Heartbreak: e Full Story of alidomide,” Life (Aug.
, ) .
:
“Minnesota’s Abortion Law on Trial,” Minneapolis Tribune, November , .
For the proceedings of a conference on abortion organized by Calderone and Planned
Parenthood, see:
Calderone, Mary Steichen. Abortion in the United States (New York: P. B. Hoeber, ).
,
On the role of the medical profession in enacting laws criminalizing abortion in the nine-
teenth century, see:
Burns, Gene. e Moral Veto: Framing Contraception, Abortion, and Cultural Plural-
ism in the United States (London: Cambridge University Press, ).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Mohr, James C. Abortion in America: e Origins and Evolution of National Policy,
- (New York: Oxford University Press, ) -.
On the Clergy Consultation Service, see:
Moody, Howard. A Voice in the Village: A Journey of a Pastor and a People (Blooming-
ton, IN: Xlibris, ) -.
Wol, Joshua D. Ministers of a Higher Law: e Story of the Clergy Consultation Service
on Abortion ().
e proceedings of the California Conference on Abortion are compiled in:
Abortion and the Unwanted Child (Carl Reiterman ed., New York: Springer, ).
PART I: Repeal
For an account tracing the development of constitutional claims for abortion rights and
women’s equal citizenship, see:
Siegel, Reva B. “Sex Equality Arguments for Reproductive Rights: eir Critical Basis
and Evolving Constitutional Expression,” Emory Law Journal () .
For an overview of NOW’s early history, see:
e Founding of NOW: Setting the Stage, National Organization for Women, http://
www.now.org/history/the_founding.html (last visited Jan. , ).
For more on the founding of NOW, and the women’s movement in the s and s
more generally, see:
Carabillo, Toni, Judith Meuli, and June Bundy Csida. Feminist Chronicles, -
(Women’s Graphics, ).
Freeman, Jo. e Politics of Women’s Liberation: A Case Study of an Emerging Move-
ment and Its Relation to the Policy Process (Boston: Longman, ) -.
Rosen, Ruth. e World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement Changed
America (New York: Penguin, ) -.
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
For information on the founding of the Women’s Equity Action League, see:
Berkeley, Kathleen C. e Women’s Liberation Movement in America (Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press, ) .
:
’
Lawrence Lader, one of the co-founders of NARAL, documented the organization’s
founding in
Abortion II: Making the Revolution () -.
For more of Lader’s earlier writings, see:
Lader, Lawrence. Abortion (Boston: Beacon Press, ).
Additional information on the founding of NARAL can be found in:
Davis, Flora. Moing the Mountain: e Women’s Movement in America Since
(Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, ).
Staggenborg, Suzanne. e Pro-Choice Movement, Organization and Activism in the
Abortion Conict (New York: Oxford University Press, ).
For more on Betty Friedan, see:
Friedan, Betty. Life So Far: A Memoir (New York: Simon & Schuster, ).
Horowitz, Daniel. Betty Friedan and the Making of the Feminine Mystique (Boston:
University of Massachusetts Press, ).
’
,
,
e Women’s Strike for Equality has yet to be chronicled in sucient depth. e following
sources discuss the strike in varying levels of detail:
Freeman, Jo. e Politics of Women’s Liberation: A Case Study of an Emerging Move-
ment and Its Relation to the Policy Process (Boston: Longman, ).
Rosen, Ruth. e World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement Changed
America (New York: Penguin, ).
Dow, Bonnie J. “Spectacle, Spectatorship, and Gender Anxiety in Television News
Coverage of the Women’s Strike for Equality,” Communication Studies
() .
Klemesrud, Judy. “A Herstory-Making Event,” New York Times Magazine, Aug. ,
. , .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Post, Robert C. and Reva B. Siegel. “Legislative Constitutionalism and Section Five
Power: Policentric Interpretation of the Family and Medical Leave Act,” Yale Law
Journal () -.
e following unpublished dissertation collects primary source documents from the strike:
Bernard, Shirley. e Women’s Strike: August , () (unpublished Ph.D. disser-
tation, Antioch College) (available through Prouest Direct’s Dissertation data-
base).
’
On feminist support for abortion rights see:
Gordon, Linda. e Moral Property of Women: A History of Birth Control Politics in
America (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, ).
On feminist support for child care see:
Berry, Mary Frances. e Politics of Parenthood: Child Care, Women’s Rights, and the
Myth of the Good Mother (New York: Penguin, ).
Morgan, Kimberly J. “A Child of the Sixties: e Great Society, the New Right, and
the Politics of Federal Child Care,” Journal of Policy History () .
Umansky, Lauri. Motherhood Reconceived: Feminism and the Legacies of the Sixties
(New York: New York University Press, ) -.
--:
’
Vidal, Mirta. “Chicanas Speak Out,” Women: New Voice of La Raza () .
For an overview of the role of women of color in movements for reproductive rights, see:
Nelson, Jennifer. Women of Color and the Reproductive Rights Movement (New York:
New York University Press, ).
Roberts, Dorothy E. Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of
Liberty (New York: Vintage, ).
For background on Sidney Callahan, see:
Callahan, Sidney and Daniel Callahan. “Abortion: Understanding Dierences,” Per-
spectives in Family Planning () .
For more of Sidney Callahan’s writings, see:
Callahan, Sidney. “Abortion and the Sexual Agenda: A Case for Prolife Feminism,”
Commonweal () .
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
On pro-life feminism, see:
Grenier Sweet, Gail, ed. Pro-Life Feminism: Dierent Voices (New York: Life Cycle
Books, ).
Krane Derr, Mary, Rachel MacNair & Linda Naranjo-Huebl eds. ProLife Feminism;
Yesterday & Today (Bloomington, IN: Xlibris, ).
Matthewes-Green, Frederica. Real Choices: Listening to Women, Looking for Alterna-
tives to Abortion (Ben Lomand, CA: Conciliar Press, ).
’
; :
Center for Research on Population and Security, Population and the American Future:
e Report of the Commission on Population Growth and the American Future
(also known as the Rockefeller Commission Report) (), http://www.population-
security.org/rockefeller/_population_ growth_ and_the_american_future.htm.
Chisholm, Shirley. Unbought and Unbossed (New York: Houghton Miin, ) .
Gregory, Dick. “My Answer to Genocide: Bitter Comic Prescribes Big Families as
Eective Black Protest,” Ebony (October ) .
For more on Jesse Jackson’s early abortion views, see:
Burke, Vincent J. “Zero Growth Held ‘Choice’ of Nation,” Los Angeles Times (March
, ) .
For Jackson’s views during his presidential campaign, see:
McCarthy, Colman. “Jackson’s Reversal on Abortion,” Washington Post (May , )
A.
For the Chicago Daily Defender poll results see:
“Blacks Split on Sex,” Chicago Daily Defender (February , ) .
For critical analysis of race and reproduction, see:
Cade, Toni. “e Pill: Genocide or Liberation,” e Black Woman: An Anthology
(New York: Signet, ) .
Nelson, Jennifer. Women of Color and the Reproductive Rights Movement ().
Roberts, Dorothy E. Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of
Liberty (New York: Vintage, ).
Run, Frances E. “Birth Control: Survival or Genocide,” Essence (September ) .
Solinger, Rickie. Wake Up, Little Susie: Single Pregnancy and Race before Roe v. Wade
(New York: Routledge, ).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Beal’s excerpt is reprinted in:
Morgan, Robin, ed. Sisterhood Is Powerful: An Anthology of Writings om the Women’s
Liberation Movement (New York: Vintage, ).
For an overview of population control advocacy that ranges well beyond its intersection
with abortion reform in the late s, see:
Connelly, Matthew. Fatal Misconception: e Struggle To Control World Population
(Boston: Harvard University Press, ).
:
Ehrlich, Paul R. e Population Bomb (New York: Ballantine, ).
Student Committee on Human Sexuality. e Student Guide to Sex on Campus ().
For more on the “sexual revolution,” see:
Allyn, David. Make Love Not War: e Sexual Revolution: An Unfettered History
(New York: Routledge, ).
Gerhard, Jane. Desiring Revolution: Second-Wave Feminism and the Rewriting of Amer-
ican Sexual ought, to (New York: Columbia University Press, ).
PART I: Religion
For a compilation of ocial statements on abortion from a wide variety of religious
denominations over time, see:
Melton, J. Gordon, ed. e Churches Speak on Abortion: Ocial Statements om Reli-
gious Bodies and Ecumenical Organizations (Gale Group, ).
, ,
,
Rabbinical Council of America. Statement on Abortion ().
,
United Methodist Church, Methodist Board of Social Concerns. Statement on Respon-
sible Parenthood ().
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
,
American Baptist Convention. Resolution on Abortion ().
Southern Baptist Convention. Resolution on Abortion ().
On the Conservative Resurgence, and the history of American Baptists generally, see:
Leonard, Bill J. Baptists in America (New York: Columbia University Press, ).
,
National Association of Evangelicals. Resolution on Abortion ().
National Association of Evangelicals. Resolution on Man and Woman (). Reso-
lutions of the National Association of Evangelicals are available at www.nae.net/
resolutions/ (accessed Jan. , ).
Lambeth Conference of Anglican Bishops. e Life and Witness of the Christian
Community—Marriage and Sex, Resolution () .
Pope Pius XI. Casti Connubii: Encyclical on Christian Marriage ().
“Pope Paul’s Remarks on Birth Control,” New York Times (June , ) .
Hoyt, Robert G. e Birth Control Debate (Kansas City, MO: National Catholic
Reporter, ) (reprinting majority and minority reports of Papal Birth Control
Commission).
For the American Catholic Church’s reaction to Griswold, see:
“Birth Control Information To Be Available in State,” Hartford Courant (June , ) .
For a history of Humanae Vitae and the Catholic Church’s position on birth control, see:
Shannon, William H. e Lively Debate: Response to Humanae Vitae (Riverside, NJ:
Andrews McMeel, ).
On Catholic involvement in American politics, see:
Byrnes, Timothy A. Catholic Bishops in American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, ).
:
“Text of the Statement by eologians,” New York Times (July , ) .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
On opposition to Humanae Vitae, see:
Callahan, Daniel. “Contraception and Abortion: American Catholic Responses,”
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science () -.
Keely, Charles B. “Limits to Papal Power: Vatican Inaction Aer Humanae Vitae,”
Population and Development Review () .
Fleming, omas J. “Confrontation in Washington: e Cardinal vs. e Dissenters,”
New York Times (November , ) SM.
“Religion: Catholic Freedom v. Authority,” Time (November , ).
Shannon, William H. e Lively Debate: Response to Humanae Vitae (Riverside, NJ:
Andrews McMeel, ).
PART I: Reaction
e history of the National Right to Life Committee before Roe v. Wade is not well-doc-
umented. Although there is widespread agreement that the NRLC was initially funded
by the Catholic Church, accounts dier about the specic details of its founding, and
particularly the date upon which it was founded. Our account is based on unpublished
NRLC documents from the time period retrieved from the archive at the Gerald R. Ford
Library. Published sources on the origins of the NRLC include:
Blanchard, Dallas A. e Anti-Abortion Movement and the Rise of the Religious Right:
From Polite to Fiery Protest (New York: Twayne, ) , .
Fiske, Edward B. “Bishops To Press Abortion Battle,” New York Times (April , ) .
Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith: A Frontline History of the Abortion Wars (New
York: Simon & Schuster, ).
Munson, Ziad W. e Making of Pro-Life Activists (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, ) -.
Risen, James and Judy L. omas. Wrath of Angels: e American Abortion War ().
Forsythe, Clark D. A Strategic History of Americans United for Life (-), http://
www.aul.org/AUL_History (last visited Jan. , ).
Miriam Ottenberg, “Some Fund-Raisers Dream Up Causes To Win Your Dollar for
Charity,” Iowa City Press-Citizen, June , .
On the founding of Americans United for Life, see:
Allitt, Patrick. Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America -
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, ) -.
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
Mason, Carol. Killing for Life: e Apocalyptic Narrative of Pro-Life Politics (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, ) -.
For more on the Willkes, see:
Gorney, Cynthia. “e Dispassion of John C. Willke,” Washington Post Magazine
(April , ) .
:
Phillips, Kevin P. e Emerging Republican Majority (New York: Arlington House,
().
PART II
:
For an overview of state legislative reform eorts before Roe, see:
Burns, Gene. e Moral Veto: Framing Contraception, Abortion, and Cultural Plural-
ism in the United States (London: Cambridge University Press, ).
:
Everywoman’s Abortion: “The Oppressor is Man”
Barden, Jim. “Getting Hospital Abortion in New York City Depends on Words Used
in Request,” United Press International (Mar. , ).
Garrow, David J. Liberty and Sexuality: e Right to Privacy and the Making of Roe v.
Wade (New York: Scribner, ) .
On access to hospital abortions, see:
Reagan, Leslie J. When Abortion Was a Crime: Women, Medicine, and Law in the
United States, - (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, ) -.
For more on the Redstockings, see:
Brownmiller, Susan. In Our Time: Memoirs of a Revolution (New York: Dial Press, ).
Nelson, Jennifer. Women of Color and the Reproductive Rights Movement () -.
For an overview of the availability of abortions before Roe in New York, see:
Tolchin, Martin. “Doctors Divided on Issue,” New York Times (Feb. , ) .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Plaintiffs’ Brief, Abramowicz v. Lefkowitz
For more on Abramowicz, see:
Schulder, Diane and Florence Kennedy. Abortion Rap (New York: McGraw-Hill, ).
Stearns, Nancy. “Commentary: Roe v. Wade: Our Struggle Continues,” Berkeley
Women’s Law Journal () , -.
For the preliminary opinion in the case (which was consolidated with other abortion liti-
gation in New York), see:
Hall v. Leowitz, F. Supp. (S.D.N.Y. ).
For a discussion of the dra opinion that might have been issued if the case had not
become moot, see:
Randolph, Raymond. “Address: Before Roe v. Wade: Judge Friendly’s Dra Abortion
Opinion,” Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy () .
Memorandum of Assemblywoman Constance E. Cook
For Constance Cook’s account of mobilization in support of the repeal bill, see:
Nossi, Rosemary. Before Roe, Abortion Policy in the States (Philadelphia: Temple Uni-
versity Press, ) .
Brief of Plaintiff-Appellant, Byrn v. New York City Health & Hospitals Corporation
Kovach, Bill. “A Last-Minute Switch Rescues Bill Aer Bitter Debate,” New York
Times (Apr. , ) .
Goodman, Janice, Rhonda Copelon Schoenbrod, and Nancy Stearns. “Doe and Roe:
Where Do We Go From Here?” Women’s Rights Law Reporter () .
Byrn v. New York City Health & Hospitals Corp., N.Y. d ().
For an account of the legislative reform eort in New York, see:
Nossi, Rosemary. Before Roe, Abortion Policy in the States (Philadelphia: Temple Uni-
versity Press, ) -.
Letter from President Richard Nixon to Cardinal Terence Cooke
For information on the antiabortion rally sponsored by the Knights of Columbus, see:
“ousands Here Urge Repeal of Abortion Statute,” New York Times (Apr. , ) .
For an account of antiabortion demonstrations in Albany, see:
Narvaez, Alfonso A. “Abortion Repeal Urged in Albany,” New York Times (Apr. ,
) .
Farrell, William E. “Women Protesting Easier Abortions Storm Assembly and Halt
Proceedings,” New York Times (Apr. , ) .
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
On the eorts of antiabortion advocacy groups, see:
McFadden, Robert D. “Lobbying on Abortion Increases at Capitol,” New York Times
(May , ) .
For Rockefeller’s criticism, see:
McFadden, Robert D. “President Supports Repeal of State Law on Abortion,” New
York Times (May , ) .
Governor Rockefeller’s Veto Message
For the legislative response to the antiabortion mobilization, see:
Garrow, David J. Liberty and Sexuality: e Right to Privacy and the Making of Roe v.
Wade (New York: Scribner, ) -.
The City Politic: The Case of the Missing Abortion Lobbyists
On popular support for the law, see:
Garrow, David J. Liberty and Sexuality: e Right to Privacy and the Making of Roe v.
Wade (New York: Scribner, ) -.
On political mobilization in support of the law, see:
McFadden, Robert D. “Lobbying on Abortion Increases at Capitol,” New York Times
(May , ) .
On continuing eorts to recriminalize abortion in New York in the period before Roe, see:
Garrow, David J. “Abortion Before and Aer Roe v. Wade: An Historical Perspective,”
Albany Law Review . () , -.
Buckley, Tom. “Both Sides Gird for Renewal of Fight on Legalized Abortion, Explo-
sive Legislative Issue,” New York Times (Jan. , ) .
:
For the only historical account of the Connecticut case and its social movement origins,
see:
Kesselman, Amy. “Women Versus Connecticut: Conducting a Statewide Hearing on
Abortion,” Abortion Wars: A Half Century of Struggle (Rickie Solinger ed., Berke-
ley, CA: University of California Press, ) .
For more of Kesselman’s research on the women’s liberation movement in Connecticut, see:
Kesselman, Amy. “Women’s Liberation and the Le in New Haven, Connecticut,
-,” Radical History Review () .
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Class action style lawsuits modeled on the New York and Connecticut litigation were
also led in other states, including Illinois, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
and Rhode Island. Nancy Stearns, one of the key participants in the Connecticut and
New York litigation, played an integral role in many of these suits. Stearns was personally
involved with the New Jersey and Rhode Island cases, and she shared her papers with the
litigants in the Massachusetts and Pennsylvania suits. For more on these cases (some of
which did not result in any published opinions), see:
Doe v. Scott, F. Supp. (N.D. Ill. ).
Complaint, Women of Mass. v. Quinn, Civ. No. --W (D. Mass. November , ).
YWCA v. Kugler, F. Supp. (D.N.J. ).
Ryan v. Specter, F. Supp. (D. Pa. ).
First Amended Complaint, Women of Rhode Island v. Israel, No. (D.R.I. May
, ).
Women v. Connecticut Organizing Pamphlet
For more on Nancy Stearns’s involvement in pre-Roe abortion litigation, see:
Goodman, Janice, Rhonda Copelon Schoenbrod, and Nancy Stearns. “Doe and Roe:
Where Do We Go From Here?” Women’s Rights Law Reporter () .
Stearns, Nancy. “Commentary: Roe v. Wade: Our Struggle Continues,” Berkeley
Women’s Law Journal () ,.
For more on Catherine Roraback, see:
Connecticut Women’s Hall of Fame. “Catherine G. Roraback,” www.cwhf.org/browse_
hall/hall/people/roraback.php (accessed Jan. , ).
Weisberg, Jonathon T. “In Control of Her Own Destiny: Catherine G. Roraback and
the Privacy Principle,” Yale Law Reporter (Winter ) .
Memorandum of Decision, Abele v. Markle I
Complaint, Abele v. Markle, F. Supp. (D. Conn. ) (Civ. No. ).
For Judge Lumbard’s full opinion, see Abele v. Markle, F. Supp. (D. Conn. ).
Judge Lumbard cites to the Nineteenth Amendment, which gave constitutional protec-
tion to women’s right to vote, as recognizing women’s equal citizenship. Lumbard also
references the then-pending Equal Rights Amendment, and cites to Title VII, which pro-
hibits employment discrimination on the basis of sex. See U.S.C. §§ e to e-.
He also cites Reed v. Reed, the rst Supreme Court case striking down a law under the
Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause because the law discriminated on the
basis of sex. See Reed v. Reed, U.S. ().
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
Memorandum of Decision, Abele v. Markle II
For Judge Newman’s full opinion, see Abele v. Markle, F. Supp. (D. Conn. ).
For more on Judge Newman’s opinion, see:
Hurwitz, Andrew D. “Jon O. Newman and the Abortion Decisions: A Remarkable
First Year,” New York Law School Law Review () .
Legislative Hearing
Fellows, Lawrence. “Connecticut Assembly Weighs Strict Abortion Bill” New York
Times (May , )
Kesselman, Amy. “Women Versus Connecticut: Conducting a Statewide Hearing on
Abortion,” Abortion Wars: A Half Century of Struggle (Rickie Solinger ed., )
, .
Memorandum of Decision, Abele v. Markle II
Kandell, Jonathan. “Tough Abortion Law in Connecticut is Attributed to Meskill and
Catholics,” New York Times (May , ) .
-
Plaintiff’s Brief, Struck v. Secretary of Defense
Nixon, Richard. Statement About Policy on Abortions at Military Base Hospitals in the
United States (Apr. , ).
Struck v. Secretary of Defense, F.d , (th Cir. ) (quoting Air Force
Regulation -).
On Struck, see:
Siegel, Neil and Reva B. Siegel. “Struck By Stereotype: Ruth Bader Ginsburg on Preg-
nancy Discrimination as Sex Discrimination,” Duke Law Journal () .
Ginsburg, Ruth Bader. “A Postscript to Struck by Stereotype,” Duke Law Journal
() .
The Commission on Population Growth and the American Future
Nixon, Richard. Special Message to the Congress on Problems of Population Growth
(July , ).
Rockefeller, John D. and the Commission on Population Growth and the Ameri-
can Future. Transmittal Letter to the President and Congress of the United States
(Mar. , ).
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Swing to Right Seen Among Catholics, Jews
Packwood, Bob. “e Role of the Federal Government,” Clinical Obstetrics & Gynecol-
ogy () .
For Senator Packwood’s bill, see:
U.S. Senate. National Abortion Act, S. , st Congress.
For Representative Abzug’s bill, see:
U.S. House of Representatives. Abortion Rights Act of , H.R. , d Congress.
On public opinion on abortion in the late sixties, see:
Rossi, Alice. “Public Views on Abortion,” e Case for Legalized Abortion Now (Alan
Guttmacher, ed., ).
Assault Book
Associated Press. “Acid Comment.” (May , ).
Evans, Rowland and Robert Novak. “Behind Humphrey’s Surge,” Washington Post
(Apr. , ) A.
Phillips, Kevin. “How Nixon Will Win,” New York Times (Aug. , ) SM.
On Nixon and the party realignment in the early s, see:
Mason, Robert. Richard Nixon and the Quest for a New Majority ().
Naughton, James M. “McGovern Defeat: A Look at Some Factors,” New York Times
(Nov. , ) .
Perlstein, Rick. Nixonland (New York: Scribner, ).
Women’s Libbers Do NOT Speak for Us
For more on Phyllis Schlay and the Equal Rights Amendment, see:
Critchlow, Donald T. Phyllis Schlay and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman’s Cru-
sade (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, ).
Post, Robert and Reva Siegel. “Roe Rage: Democratic Constitutionalism and Back-
lash,” Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review () , -.
Siegel, Reva B. “Constitutional Culture, Social Movement Conict and Constitu-
tional Change: e Case of the De Facto ERA,” California Law Review ()
, -.
SOURCES AND SUGGESTED READING
PART III
Roe v. Wade, F. Supp. , - ().
Doe v. Bolton, U.S. , ().
Griswold v. Connecticut, U.S. ().
Roe v. Wade, U.S. ().
Planned Parenthood v. Casey, U.S. ().
Gonzales v. Carhart, U.S. ().
e account of Roe’s reception draws on:
Post, Robert and Reva Siegel. “Roe Rage: Democratic Constitutionalism and Back-
lash,” Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review () -.
INDEX
A
Abele v. Markle I (), -,
Clarie dissent, -
Lumbard decision, -, -
Newman decision, -
Abele v. Markle II ()
Clarie dissension, -
memorandum of decision, -
Newman decision, -
Abortion and Social Justice (AUL), -
challenge to the abortive society,
-
legal case for the unborn child, -
population problems, -
“Abortion in Perspective” (Byrn), -
Abramowicz v. Leowitz ()
plainti’s brief, -
Fourteenth Amendment argument,
-
rights of privacy argument, -
summary of testimony, -
Ajello, Carl R.,
Albright, Mrs. Richard, -
Alexander, Susan Grossman,
American Association of Planned
Parenthood Physicians,
American College of Obstetricians and
Gynecologists,
in support of Roe,
in support of Wade, -
American Law Institute, -
abortion policy (), -
reform model,
American Medical Association,
policy statement (), -
policy statement (), -
American Medical Women’s
Association,
American Psychiatric Association,
Americans United for Life (AUL),
amicus curiae brief in support of
Wade, -
Amici curiae supporting Henry Wade
American College of Obstetricians
and Gynecologists, -
Americans United for Life, -
National Right to Life Committee,
-
Women for the Unborn, -
Amici curiae supporting Jane Roe
feminist organizations and
constitutional issues, -
liberal religious organizations,
-
medical organizations, -
Planned Parenthood, -
INDEX
representing interests of the poor,
-
irteenth Amendment violation
argument, -
Anglican Church,
Arrigan, Diane,
“Assault Book” (Buchanan), -
Association for the Study of Abortion,
Inc., -
Association of Washington Priests,
Ayd, Frank,
B
Barksdale, People v.,
Beal, Frances,
Belous, People v. (), , , ,
, ,
Bensing, Sandra,
Bill of Rights (NOW), -
Birth control, -, -
Anglican Church,
Catholic Church and, -
Protestants and,
race and class considerations,
, , ,
Yale sex counselling service,
Zero Population Growth, Inc. and,
-
Black, Hugo,
Blackmun, Harold A., , , ,
-, ,
Blacks
birth control and,
discrimination against,
population growth and, -
view of abortion as genocide, -,
-
Black Women and the Motherhood
Myth (Cole), -
Black Women’s Liberation Committee,
Black Women’s Manifesto (Beal), -
Blumenthal, Albert H., ,
Bork, Robert,
Bozell, Brent Jr.,
Brennan, William J., ,
Brown, Edmund G. Jr., -
Brown, Michael Kenneth,
Brownmiller, Susan, -
Bruce, Judith,
Buchanan, Patrick, -, -
Bualino, Lucille,
Burger, Warren E., ,
Byrn, Robert M., -, ,
Byrn v. New York City Health &
Hospitals Corporation (),
,
plainti-appellant brief, -
C
Calderone, Mary Steichen, -
Callahan, Sidney, -
“Call to Women’s Strike for Equality”
(Friedan), -
Cassels, Louis, -
Catholic Church, , -,
birth control and, -
Humanae Vitae, Encyclical Letter of
Paul VI (), -
New Jersey Catholic Bishop’s letter,
-
Pastoral Letter by National
Conference of Catholic Bishops,
-
voter shi to Republican Party,
Chandler, Marilyn Brant,
Charles, Alan F.,
Chisholm, Shirley,
Christian Harvest Times,
Clarie, T. Emmet, , -, -
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Class-based concerns on overpopulation,
-
Class lines, and reproductive control,
,
Clergy Consultation Service, -
Clergy Consultation Service on
Abortion,
statement on abortion law reform,
-
Cobb, Marione,
Coee, Linda,
Cohen, Morris,
Cole, Bev, -
College students
contraception, -
pregnancy, -
sex counseling service for, -
Collins, Francis J.,
Collins, Michael,
Commission on Population Growth
and the American Future, e,
, -, -
abortion, -
Chandler statement,
family planning, -
human reproduction, -
Nixon statement on, -
public health,
public opinion on abortion,
recommendations, -
social aspects, -
Connecticut legislative hearing
testimony, -
Albright, Mrs. Richard, -
Cohen, Morris,
Collins, Francis J.,
Harwood, Frances, -
Licciardello, Trudy, -
Roraback, Catherine, -
Constitutional arguments.
See also specic amendments
judicial developments, -
questioning the right to abortion,
-
Contraception. See Birth Control
Cook, Constance, , -
Cooke, Terence Cardinal, -
Cooper, Owen, -
Crisham, omas M., ,
Cruel and unusual punishment
argument, , , , -
D
Darity, William,
“Declaration of Conscience” (Assoc. of
Washington Priests),
Deformed fetus. See Fetal deformity
Discrimination argument, -
Doctors. See Physicians
Doe v. Bolton, -, -
Douglas, William O.,
Drinan, Robert F.,
Dyck, Arthur J.,
E
Eighth Amendment arguments,
, , , -
Eisenstadt v. Baird (), , ,
Emerson, omas,
Emmett, Kathryn,
Environmental population concerns,
-
Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission (EEOC),
Equal protection, right to, -, .
See also Fourteenth Amendment
arguments
Equal Rights Amendment, -,
Evans, Rowland,
INDEX
F
Falk, Gail,
Falwell, Jerry,
Family-values, , , , , ,
Female Liberation,
Feminist as Anti-Abortionist
(Callahan), -
Feminist movement, -. See also
Women’s liberation movement
Fetal deformity
German measles cases, -
as rationale for abortion,
thalidomide cases, -
Fetal development, -
Fetus, rights of, -, -. See also
Byrn v. New York City Health &
Hospitals Corporation ()
Finer, June,
Finkbine, Sherri Chessen, -
First Amendment arguments, ,
,
First National Conference on Abortion
Laws,
Fletcher, Michele,
Flynn, Martin J.,
Forced sterilization, , -
Fourteenth Amendment arguments,
-, , , ,
against abortion, -, ,
for abortion, -, , -,
Abramowicz v. Leowitz and, -
Supreme Court and Roe,
Fourth Amendment arguments, ,
, , ,
in Abramowicz v. Leowitz, -
Supreme Court and Roe v. Wade,
Frazel, Jerome A. Jr., ,
Freedman, Ann,
Freedom of religion, right to,
Free speech, right to,
Friedan, Betty
on abortion as civil right, -
call to women’s strike for equality,
-
elected NOW president,
Friendly, Henry J.,
G
Gallup, George,
Gallup Organization abortion poll,
-
Gartlan, Joseph V. Jr.,
Gelb, Marjorie,
Genocide, view of abortion as, -,
-
German measles, as cause of deformed
fetuses, -
Gesell, Arnold,
Gesell, Gerhard A.,
Gibbs, Charles E.,
Ginsburg, Ruth Bader, ,
Gombos, Joan,
Gonzales v. Carhart (),
Goodenow, Gretchen,
Gorby, John D., ,
Greenhouse, Linda, -
Greep, Nancy,
Gregory, Dick,
Griswold v. Connecticut (),
Griswold v. Connecticut (), , ,
, , -, , , , ,
, -
Guttmacher, Alan F., ,
H
Hall, Robert E.,
Hallford, James H.,
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Handbook on Abortion (Willke and
Willke), -
development in the uterus,
forward, -
is this human life?, -
mental health, -
poverty and, -
rape, incest, -
on reform of abortion laws, -
unwanted child/right to her own
body, -
Harlan, John M.,
Harmon, Sasha,
Harwood, Frances, -
Hatcher, Robert A.,
Heernan, R.J.,
Hilgers, omas W.,
Hill, Ann,
Hodgson, Jane E.
on abortion leading to her arrest,
-
adavit of, -
patient’s statement,
Hogan, Frank,
Horan, Dennis J., ,
Horan, Dolores B., ,
Hultin, Jill,
Humanae Vitae, Encyclical Letter of
Supreme Ponti Paul VI (),
-
appeal to public authorities, -
faithfulness to God’s design, -
unlawful birth control methods,
I
Incest, as reason for abortion,
Involuntary servitude argument,
, , , -, -
J
Jackson, Jesse,
Japan as destination for abortion, -
K
Katz, Harriet,
Keeler v. Superior Court (),
Kennedy, Anthony M.,
Kennedy, John F.,
Kesselman, Amy, ,
Kimmey, Jimmye
abortion law reform speech, -
right to choose memorandum, -
King, Lawrence T., -
King, Marsha and David,
Knapp, Robert D. Jr., -
L
Leavitt, Judith,
Leowitz, Louis J., ,
Levy v. Louisiana (),
Lewittes, Joel, -
Licciardello, Trudy, -
Life, liberty, and property, right to,
-
Louisell, David W.,
Lucas, Roy, -
Lumbard, Joseph Edward, -,
-,
Lyons, Jesse, ,
M
Marshall, urgood,
Maternal health, , , ,
Supreme Court ndings, , -
McCorvey, Norma,
McGarvey v. Magee-Woman’s Hospital
(),
McGovern, George, -,
INDEX
McMahon, Eugene J.,
Means, Cyril C. Jr.,
Mecklenburg, Marjory,
Mental health of mother, preserving,
, , , , , , -
Meskill, omas, ,
Michaels, George M.,
Milstein, Barbara,
Minorities
abortion issue, , ,
population growth and, -
Minority Report, -
Moody, Howard,
Moore, Emily,
Mother’s life, preserving, , , ,
, , , , ,
N
National Association for Repeal of
Abortion Laws (NARAL),
Chisholm as honorary president of,
policy statement, -
National Association of Evangelicals
Statement on Abortion (),
-
National Conference of Catholic
Bishops Pastoral Letter, -,
the Encyclical and conscience,
further threats to life,
introductory statement, -
negative reactions to Encyclical,
National Organization for Women
(NOW)
abortion as a woman’s civil right
(Friedan), -
Bill of Rights, -
goal of,
National Right to Life Committee,
amicus curiae brief in support of
Wade, -
New Jersey Assembly testimony, -
New Jersey Catholic Bishop’s letter,
-
Newman, Jon O., , -, -
New Right,
New York abortion law
memorandum of Constance E. Cook,
-
Redstocking protests, -
New York Academy of Medicine,
New York Right to Life Committee,
Nineteenth Amendment, , -,
Ninth Amendment arguments, , ,
, , -
Nixon, Richard, ,
letter to Terence Cardinal Cooke,
-
on population growth, , -
voter party shi,
Noonan, John T. Jr.,
Novak, Robert,
NOW. See National Organization for
Women (NOW)
O
Oral contraception, , . See also Birth
control
P
Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act,
People v. Barksdale (),
People v. Belous (), , , , ,
,
Peters, Raymond A.,
Phillips, Kevin, , , ,
Phyllis Schlay Report, -,
Physicians
liability of, -, , , , ,
in support of Roe,
in support of Wade, -
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Pilpel, Harriet F., -,
Planned Parenthood Federation of
America, Inc.,
Planned Parenthood v. Casey (),
Political aliations, -
Pontical Study Commission,
Poor women and abortion, , , -,
-, -, ,
Population Connection,
Population control,
“Population explosion,”
Population growth,
argument against Roe,
argument in support of Roe,
class-based concerns, -
Commission on Population Growth
and the American Future, -
zero population movement, -
Powell, Lewis F., , , ,
Preserving the life of the mother, ,
, , , , , , ,
,
Privacy, right to, , ,
in Abramowicz v. Leowitz, -
Supreme Court and Roe v. Wade,
Psychiatric reasons, for abortion,
Public health issue, abortion as, -,
,
R
Race, and reproductive control,
, ,
Rape, as reason for abortion, , ,
, , -, , , , -,
,
Reagan, Ronald, ,
Reed v. Reed,
Rehnquist, William H., ,
Religion, freedom of,
Religious organizations
amicus curiae brief in support of Roe,
-
Catholic Church, -
National Association of Evangelicals,
-
Protestant views,
reaction to liberalization of abortion,
Southern Baptist Convention, -
Union for Reform Judaism, -
United Methodist Church, -
Reproductive autonomy arguments,
Republic,
Republican Party, -, , ,
Rice, Charles E.,
Right to choose memorandum
(Kimmey), -
Right to life arguments, -,
-
Right-to-life movement,
“Right to Life Sunday,”
Riordan, Gayle,
Roberts, Burton B.,
Rockefeller, Nelson, , , -
Rockefeller Commission on Population
and the American Future, ,
-, -
Roe, Jane amicus curiae briefs citing:
See also Roe v. Wade ()
cruel and unusual punishment,
-
denial of equal protection of the law,
-,
discrimination,
family planning, -
infringement of rights, -,
-
involuntary servitude, -
population growth, ,
statute is unconstitutionally vague,
-
INDEX
unconstitutional “establishment”
of religion, -
Roemer, Ruth, -
Roe v. Wade (), . See also Roe,
Jane amicus curiae briefs citing:
Wade, Henry amicus curiae briefs
citing:
announcing the decision, -
argument and decision, -
brief for appellants Jane Roe, et al.,
-
brief for appellee Henry Wade,
-
in context, -
Roraback, Catherine, , , -
Ryan, Carol,
Ryan, Juan J.,
S
Sarrel, Lorna J., -
Sarrel, Philip M., -
Scanlan, Alfred L.,
Schlay, Phyllis, , , ,
Scott, Hugh,
Seichter, Marilyn,
“Sex and the Yale Student” (Student
Committee on Human Sexuality),
, -
Sex counseling (at Yale University)
campus response,
for college students, -
contraception, -
pregnancy, -
Sex discrimination in employment,
Sexual mores,
Sexual revolution, -
Shainess, Natalie, ,
“Similarly I Will Not...Cause Abortion”
(Knapp), -
Smith v. Brennan (),
Society for a Christian Commonwealth,
Society for Humane Abortion
lesser of two evils, -
letter from unwed mother, -
“rush” procedure for going to Japan,
-
Southern Baptist Convention, -
Resolution on Abortion (), -
Speak-Out-Rage, -
“Special Report on Secular Humanism
vs. Christianity” (Christian Harvest
Times),
Spencer, Hope, -
Stearns, Nancy, , , , -,
Sterilization, , -
Stevens, John Paul,
Stewart, Potter, ,
Struck, Susan R., -
Struck v. Secretary of Defense (),
-
Student Guide to Sex on Campus, e,
,
Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee,
Sullman, Morris,
“Swing to Right Seen Among Catholics,
Jews” (Cassels), -
T
alidomide, -
ird World women, , -,
irteenth Amendment, , -
Timeline s, -, -
“Triple-A” claims, , ,
Tyler, Harold R. Jr.,
U
Unconstitutional vagueness, -
BEFORE ROE V. WADE
Union for Reform Judaism on abortion
reform, -
United Methodist Church Statement of
Social Principles (), -
United States v. Vuitch, , ,
V
Viguerie, Richard,
Voters and party aliation shis, ,
, ,
Voting rights, , -,
Vuitch, United States v.,
W
Wade, Henry amicus curiae briefs citing:
See also Roe v. Wade ()
equal protection clause of th
Amendment, -
fetus as autonomous human being,
-, -
refutation of constitutional
arg uments, -
Wechsler, Nancy F.,
Weddington, Sarah,
Weinfeld, Edward,
Welfare agencies and sterilization, -
Weyrich, Paul,
White, Byron R.,
Widmyer, Nancy Kay,
Wilhelm, Betsy Gilbertson,
Williams, George Huntson,
Willke, Barbara,
Willke, John C., ,
Winter, Mrs. Norbet,
Women’s Equity Action League
(WEAL),
Women’s liberation movement, , .
See also Women vs. Connecticut
initial goals of,
Schlay and ERA, -
Women’s National Abortion Action
Coalition,
Women’s rights, -
Women vs. Connecticut
Abele v. Markle I (), -
legal arguments, -
plainti recruit pamphlet, -
plainti requirements,
responsibilities/opportunities of
plaintis, -
suit to nd abortion law
unconstitutional, -
thoughts on strategy, -
Y
Yale University sex counseling service,
-
Z
Zero Population Growth, -
amicus curiae brief in support of Roe,
-
Zuckerman, Ruth Jane,
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
L G, a Pulitzer-Prize-winning journalist, covered the Supreme
Court for e New York Times for many years and now teaches at Yale Law School.
She is the author of a biography, Becoming Justice Blackmun: Harry Blackmun’s
Supreme Court Journey () and of e U.S. Supreme Court: A Very Short Intro-
duction (). A graduate of Radclie College (Harvard), she holds a Master of
Studies in Law degree from Yale.
R B. S is the Nicholas deB. Katzenbach Professor of Law at Yale Uni-
versity. She teaches constitutional law, civil rights, and legal history, and writes on
the ways courts interact with representative government and popular movements
in interpreting the Constitution. She is co-editor of e Consti tution in and
Processes in Constitutional Decisionmaking. She received undergraduate, graduate,
and law degrees from Yale.
AsthelandmarkRoev.Wadedecisionreachesits40thanniversary,
abortionremainsapolarizingtopiconAmerica'slegalandpolitical
landscape.Blendinghistory,culture,andlaw,BeforeRoev.Wade
explores the roots of the conflict, recovering through original
documents and first-hand accounts the voices on both sides that
helpedshapetheclimateinwhichtheSupremeCourtruled.
Originallypublishedin2010,thisneweditionincludesanew
Afterword that explores what the history of conflict before Roe
teaches us about the abortion conflict we live with today. Examining
theroleofsocialmovementsandpoliticalparties,theauthorscast
newlightonapivotalchapterinAmericanhistoryandsuggesthow
Roev.Wade,thecase,becauseRoev.Wade,thesymbol.
“Wefoundourselvesonajourneyofdiscoverythattookus
topublicandprivatearchivesandthatplacedinourhandscrumbling
and long-forgotten legal documents retrieved from participants’ attics
andbasements.Weheardthevoicesofwomenandmen–
well-known, little-known, and completely unknown– calling from
acrosstheyears.Itisaprivilegetoenablethemtospeakagainin
theirownwordsinthesepages.”
–fromtheIntroduction.
ISBN978-0-615-64821-7
CoverPhoto:AlexWong,GettyImages
CoverDesign:MadelineGood
AsthelandmarkRoev.Wadedecisionreachesits40thanniversary,
abortionremainsapolarizingtopiconAmerica'slegalandpolitical
landscape.Blendinghistory,culture,andlaw,BeforeRoev.Wade
explores the roots of the conflict, recovering through original
documents and first-hand accounts the voices on both sides that
helpedshapetheclimateinwhichtheSupremeCourtruled.
Originallypublishedin2010,thisneweditionincludesanew
Afterword that explores what the history of conflict before Roe
teaches us about the abortion conflict we live with today. Examining
theroleofsocialmovementsandpoliticalparties,theauthorscast
newlightonapivotalchapterinAmericanhistoryandsuggesthow
Roev.Wade,thecase,becauseRoev.Wade,thesymbol.
“Wefoundourselvesonajourneyofdiscoverythattookus
topublicandprivatearchivesandthatplacedinourhandscrumbling
and long-forgotten legal documents retrieved from participants’ attics
andbasements.Weheardthevoicesofwomenandmen–
well-known, little-known, and completely unknown– calling from
acrosstheyears.Itisaprivilegetoenablethemtospeakagainin
theirownwordsinthesepages.”
–fromtheIntroduction.
ISBN978-0-615-64821-7
CoverPhoto:AlexWong,GettyImages
CoverDesign:MadelineGood
