Networking data 67
Networking data. A network analysis of Spotify's socio-
technical related artist network
Silvia Donker
1
Abstract
This is a case study of Spotify's related artist network of Dutch drum and bass artist
Noisia, incorporating a critical perspective of data and streaming platforms, it ar-
gues that network theory can help deal with the deluge of online data by showing
artists and music business professionals how to see relationships instead of mere
isolated events. The case study applies network theory and methods within a data-
critical context. Three core measures are employed to determine different kinds of
powerful actors (as in artists on Spotify) in a particular network. The analysis un-
covers how each actor is embedded in networked structures of relationships that
provide opportunities, constraints, coalitions, and workarounds. The consequence
of the network being algorithm-generated is also considered, as it was found that
this creates a situation that differs from regular social networks.
Keywords: Digitization, music industry, Spotify, music streaming, network analysis,
sociotechnical system, network centrality
1 Introduction
Since the late 1990's, digital technologies have become increasingly
prominent and these very soon had large-scale implications for the mu-
sic industry.
2
In today's fast-paced permanently connected society, social
media and streaming platforms have become of paramount importance
for the music industry. These platforms offer previously unknown possi-
bilities to users, audiences and music professionals alike. The endless
stream of data and data's associated metrics play a major role in the
industry, influencing decisions at every level including what to play, who
1
Silvia Donker has been working in artist management since 2017 as an assistant and data analyst.
She received her BA in Arts, Culture and Media and finished her MA in Digital Humanities with the
presented research on artist networks at the University of Groningen, NL. Donker will start in May
this year as a PhD candidate at the Faculty of Philosophy in Groningen on a ERC funded Digital
Humanities project, researching networks of authors in early modern natural philosophy. This
article was awarded best paper by an international jury in the Young Scholars' Workshop of the 9
th
Vienna Music Business Research Days 2018 (silviadonke[email protected]).
2
See for example Rose & Ganz (2011); David (2010).
68 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
to contract, where to book, who, what and when to include or exclude.
It has become fundamentally important for artists to understand what is
happening online and where they fit in. The digital environment is rela-
tively new and is constantly changing, and there are still many innova-
tions taking place that impact the user (i.e. anyone using the platform)
at any time. The amount of power and control available to any user is
relative, as although online platforms enable access to data through
figures and visualisations, it is not clear how use of such data realistically
offers insight indeed merely having data does not confer power and
knowledge. The insights must depend on applying a meaningful context
or paradigm and the following proposes one such paradigm as a way to
deal with data and online platforms namely through networks.
Just as we all shape and are shaped by our environment the same
can be said of non-human elements. From a network perspective every-
thing is embedded within the structures of relationships and in network
terms all the elements or actors play a part as something that can 'bend
space around itself' (Callon & Latour 1981: 286). This means all the ac-
tors effect (and are affected by) their environment. As opposed to a
traditional, reductionist 'group think' that makes the situation appear
like things are falling apart, thinking in network terms shows the world
as a more diversified, complex and interesting place (Rainie & Wellman
2012: 56). Thinking in network terms thus offers more opportunity to
explore the complex reality than approaches that focus on the individu-
al. In music, this can be seen in the difference between claims that an
artist's success is due to talent and hard work and acknowledging that
the artist reached a certain point because of a collective effort; a result
made possible not just by individual characteristics, but also by the rela-
tionship with the artist's own environment and ability to access tools
that influenced the outcome. Although the idea of networks is not new,
the way we are networked today is, and we can use new strategies and
skills to address these networked structures that influence our relation-
ships.
Networking data 69
The main thesis of this article is that adopting a network perspective
and methods of analysis can help music industry professionals in an in-
creasingly fragmented networked society understand the current situa-
tion of the digitized music industry including dealing with information
from online platforms and guiding decisions on what they offer. This
view is examined through an empirical case study: a network analysis of
the Dutch drum and bass act Noisia which has been active since the ear-
ly 2000s, producing electronic music and best known for their drum and
bass productions. Noisia are well respected worldwide for their technical
skills and consistent quality of their sound design, producing, remixing
and regularly collaborating with other artists such as the Prodigy, For-
eign Beggars, Katy Perry, Skrillex and Korn. They have received over a
dozen awards (for Best DJ, producer, album, track and more) and over
time have established three independent record labels to release their
own and other artists' music, especially after the major labels dropped
out of the Dance genre in the Netherlands (Hitters & Van de Kamp
2010). As DJ's, they regularly perform throughout the world and alt-
hough their music is part of a smaller sub-genre of Electronic Music, they
have managed to become successful in their scene.
Emerging at the time of the digital paradigm shift for the music
business and with their music being digital itself, Noisia are true 'digital
natives'. As such, they have maintained an active presence on many
online platforms, through which they have built a loyal and still growing
online following. On Facebook, they have over half a million followers,
their YouTube channel has 185.000 followers, Twitter has over 150.000,
and around 80.000 individuals keep track of them on Instagram and
Songkick. Music streaming platform SoundCloud counts 4 million follow-
ers, Spotify 127.000, and Deezer 73.000.
They are building presence on gaming platform Discord; currently
with over 2000 members. The majority of Noisia's audience resides in
the US and the UK, with London, as the birthplace of drum and bass
(Fraser & Ettlinger 2008: 1648), the all-time top city.
3
3
The data and figures from this section come from the accumulated information from Flapper
Management, Spotify, Deezer and Next Big Sound profile report, June 26, 2017.
70 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
When investigating online tracking and performance data, the ex-
ample of Noisia is very suitable, given they have a large online fan-base
spread across the world, which makes their data reliable for this analy-
sis. The do-it-yourself ethos that came with the digital age made musi-
cians and management more (if not entirely) responsible for choosing
their own paths (Hracs 2015: 466, Hesmondhalgh & Baker 2011: 93). In
this light, their situation is representative of many artists today who are
not signed to any major label, and use the new -found possibilities of
working and sharing their music online and releasing it by themselves or
through small indie labels.
The case study presents an analysis of Noisia's network of related
artists, as this appears on the music streaming platform Spotify. This
network does not fit any strict social or technological framework, as it is
a social algorithm generated network. Below is an exploration of how
and why network theory and methods can help gain insight in this case,
and more broadly for the music industry.
2 Data and the music industry
2.1 Digitization of the music industry
At first the music industry adapted slowly to the changing digital land-
scape. Around 2008 the music business started to find alternative ways
of legal distribution and monetisation to deal with the new ways and
scale of the production, circulation, access and engagement of music
(Nowak & Whelan 2016: 2). In this post-download era, the most popular
'spaces of music consumption' (Prey 2015: 3) became on-demand music
streaming platforms. Digital generally now accounts for half of all rec-
orded music revenues (US $7.8 billion in 2016), of which streaming
makes up the majority (56%) with Spotify as the leading platform (IFPI
2017). After years of decreasing revenues, since 2015 the industry has
seen renewed growth, undoubtedly attributed to streaming services
(ibid) and for this case study it is no different as the royalties Noisia earn
Networking data 71
from online services, such as those from Spotify are more than all the
other sources combined.
Online music streaming platforms cater to the changed (social) envi-
ronment of today, which is personal and connected, asynchronous and
constantly evolving. A major difference between services like Spotify and
previous forms of music consumption and distribution is unquestionably
the data feedback loop they generate in real time. The audience, made
up of loyal and active music consumers who had previously been casted
as thieves in the download-era, are now perceived differently, becoming
users and subjects whose activities can be monitored, influenced and
monetized. The subsequent possibilities of tracking have resulted in a
'datafication of listening' (Prey 2015: 9; Prey 2016: 32), meaning that
social action is now transformed into quantified data, making it possible
to track behaviour through metrics and allowing for predictive analysis
(Dijck 2014: 198). The resulting performance and tracking data from the
platforms are partially fed back to the artist, offering them their own
data pool of insights on digital music performance Even so it is question-
able whether 'the data speaks for itself', and this needs further analysis.
2.2 Dataism, a sceptical approach
The term 'dataism' refers to "a widespread belief in the objective quanti-
fication and potential tracking of all kinds of human social behaviour
through online media technologies" (Dijck 2014: 198). Dataism is a phe-
nomenon that often goes together with a belief in the straightforward
'truth' of data. The endless flow of data being a 'treasure trove' that can
easily be put to use by artists and their managers (Mombert 2015; Titlow
2017) using indispensable algorithms (often through third parties) to
filter the incoming data flow (Hartnett 2017). Platforms propagate their
user-friendly tools and dashboards, which are intended to be simple and
insightful for non-analysts (Grow, Next Big Sound).
Sceptics on the other hand take a critical stance towards technology
or big data and emphasize its limitations and generative characteristics.
Some scholars point out its deceptive use and fallibility (Baym 2012),
others the performative effect of technology shaping what they ought to
72 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
be describing (Seaver 2012). This sometimes results in expressions of
fear or predictions of dark futures (as in Schneier 2015; Harari 2016).
Particularly useful here is the term 'socio-technical systems', introduced
by Webster et al. (2016). While they specifically refer to recommenda-
tion systems, the idea applies to a wider range of data-driven platforms
built and formed by humans, the systems being a product of both hu-
man and algorithmic effort, and they become 'cultural intermediaries'.
4
For these new cultural intermediaries are "machines (that) have been
delegated ethics, values and duties and these are relentlessly, due to
their mechanistic qualities, and silently prescribed back to the human,"
and by that, they play a role in regulating the cultivation of knowledge
and taste (Webster et al. 2016). Such sceptic's ideas and concepts en-
sure we see the systems for what are but the daily reality is these sys-
tems are omnipresent, very welcome and useful. Network theory, with
its long history of theoretical development, albeit deeply grounded in
empirical practice, can help fill this gap.
3 Theoretical framework: networks
3.1 The new social operating system
Since its early days, the internet has typically created a decentralized,
open and sharing culture and over time it has remained a network of
networks, resembling an eco-system rather than a swiss watch (Rainie &
Wellman 2012, Barabasí 2002). As a connected and asynchronous sys-
tem, the internet allows its users to be more networked than before
while being attuned to personal preferences. Societies, like computer
systems, are observed to have networked structures that provide oppor-
tunities and constraints, rules and procedures (Rainie & Wellman 2012:
12). With this in mind, the current (digitised) music landscape needs a
4
The term 'cultural intermediaries' was originally introduced by Pierre Bourdieu (1984), to describe
the persons involved in the shaping of taste (such as critics, radio programmers), but did not include
technical systems.
Networking data 73
suitable perspective for today's society, a 'new logic' as it were to fit the
information age: the logic of networks.
3.2 The logic of networks
While network-scientific jargon like hubs, clusters, social ties and indeed
the word network itself are embedded in everyday language the fact
that networks follow quantifiable internal rules and patterns is less well
known. Often, there is a reliance on reductionist concepts that simplify
environments, attributes or circumstances to an autonomous affair (Ba-
rabasí 2002: 6). Network explanations do not assume that environ-
ments, attributes or circumstances affect actors independently, nor do
they assume the existence of groups (Marin & Wellman 2011: 11-13).
The basic concept of network theory is that nothing happens in isolation:
everything is linked to everything else (Barabasí 2002: 6). In this 'archi-
tecture of complexity' the linked components (usually called actors, and
the links ties) show patterns of connections that are crucial to the be-
haviour of a system and can indeed be investigated, by representing
them in networks (ibid).
Network theory has come a long way since the first abstract math-
ematical model of random distribution of connections (Erdős & Rényi
1959). Over time theory and models emerged that accounted for the
appearance of highly connected subgroups -or clusters- (Granovetter
1986, Watts & Strogatz 1998), and later actors with an anomalously
large number of ties, called hubs or connectors, which tend to dominate
the structure of the network in which they appear (Barabasí 2002: 64).
Findings like these indicate certain actors to be more 'central' than oth-
er.
Visualising and analysing a network can uncover how an actor is em-
bedded in structures of relationships that provide opportunities, con-
straints, coalitions, and workarounds, as these properties are built into
their construction (Barabási 2002: 12; Newman 2010: 2).
74 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
3.3 An additional network perspective
Generally, in social network theory, social networks take humans as
their actors: the social units that form relations with each other. But
things too, can express power relations or reinforce social inequalities
(Latour 2005: 72). Latour's influential Actor Network Theory (ANT) builds
on general network theory which equates humans and nonhumans both
as actors without hierarchy a priori and describes how to explore their
collective action (Latour 2005). Using ANT as a theory and methodology
to supplement the more general social network theory, one can use
social network theory to analyse socio-technical networks such as those
encountered through streaming platforms. This ensures an openness to
ambiguity that is so vital for any study dealing with social matters.
4 Methods
4.1 Data collection and processing
The principle source of information is the music streaming platform
Spotify. On Spotify, the user is presented with a list of artists related to
the artist whose page they visit (see figure 1). Under the tab 'RELATED
ARTISTS' appears a more extensive list with a maximum of 20 related
artists.
5
As explained on the Spotify Community pages and the FAQ at
"Spotify For Artists", related artists are determined by algorithms that
look at what people listen to alongside that artist's music as well as "mu-
sic discussions and trends happening around the internet" (Spotify
Community, Spotify For Artists FAQ). The section cannot be changed
manually but can be affected by online interaction with the artist's mu-
sic, both on and outside the platform. The precise algorithm, and how it
5
This feature has been renamed as 'Fans Also Like', medio 2018 on the Spotify desktop and mobile
apps. The algorithm behind it does not seem to have changed, as the results appear to generate
more or less the same network (some change is to be expected with the algorithm using the con-
stant flux of user data.) It may be noticed that new name puts more emphasis on the listener (the
'fan') as the driving force behind it.
Networking data 75
selects 'related artists,' is not publicly available, but the explanations
make clear that user activity mainly determines who appear to be one
artist's related artists.
Spotify provides related artists for any artist through their API. The
use of a crawler (Rieder 2017) revealed the related artists, and artists
related to those artists at two steps from the starting point (Noisia). This
provided a data set of all the artists and their ties in this range and in-
cluded for each of them a Spotify-provided attribute 'popularity': a value
between 0 and 100, with 100 being the most popular on the platform,
and 0 the least popular. The popularity value is calculated by the rela-
tionship between the popularity of all the artist's tracks and every other
artist on the platform (Spotify for Developers). This revealed an aspect
about Spotify's whole artist network, that will be covered later in this
article.
Figure 1: Screenshot of Noisia's profile on Spotify Premium on a desktop PC. Related
artists presented on the right, or more extensively under the tab 'RELATED ARTISTS'.
Using this database, all the network graphs in this paper were built
in Gephi, whose software renders statistics through built-in features and
adds these measurements as attributes to the actors (the artists on
Spotify). Three of those measurements have been used for the centrality
analyses.
6
6
Algorithms for calculating centralities can differ; Gephi uses the ones by Brandes (2001).
76 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
4.2 Centrality measures
The network approach emphasises power and influence as inherently
relational (Hanneman 2005). A prominent way to investigate these rela-
tions in a network is through the structural attribute of centrality. To
determine an actor's centrality, we can refer to a handful of different
concepts, of which three shall be treated: degree centrality, between-
ness centrality and closeness centrality.
Degree defines the number of direct ties an actor has to other ac-
tors in the network. Actors with a high degree are highly visible, and
tend to be seen as important, to have more influence, access to infor-
mation or prestige (Borgatti et al. 2013: 166; Newman 2010: 169). High
degree centrality means their position is advantageous in the exchange
of information; more ties usually mean greater opportunities because
the actor is believed to have more choices. Degree is also seen as im-
portant as an index of its potential activity (Freeman 1978: 211). Having
high degree is a favoured position, because it gives the actor autonomy
and makes them more independent of others (Hanneman 2005).
Closeness aims to define the most central actors in terms of the
overall structure of the network. It measures the mean distance from an
actor to every other actor. Gephi uses inversed closeness, so the highest
values reflect the most central actors. The value is calculated by the sum
of geodesic distances for a specific actor to all other actors. An actor
that has a high closeness score is a short distance from most others.
Having a high closeness, an actor will be able to obtain information (or
whatever flows through the network) originating at a random actor po-
tentially very quickly. When information flows through the network, the
diffusion process tends to introduce distortion as the information has to
pass every actor. For that reason, one expects information received by
central actors to have higher fidelity on average. Thus, a high closeness
would seem a significant advantage for an actor to the extent that it can
avoid the control potential of others (i.e. their actions being controlled
or mediated by others). Logically, shorter distances mean fewer trans-
missions and depending on the type of network, shorter times and lower
Networking data 77
costs, better access to information or more direct influence (Freeman
1978: 224; Borgatti et al. 2013: 173; Newman 2010: 183).
Noisia's network is built from one starting actor (the 'ego' Noisia)
and is therefore an egocentric network (as opposed to a whole, or socio-
centric, network) (Marin & Wellman 2011: 19). Usually, to investigate
closeness centrality in egocentric social networks is uninformative.
When building an egocentric network, the connections normally do not
go further than the first-order zone: there is always one step from the
ego to any other actor (the 'alter'). All geodesic distances from the ego
to the alters would then be 1 by definition (Marsden 2002: 418). The
case with this Spotify's network, however, differs for one, the network
expands beyond first-order connection, as it incorporates to some ex-
tent artists that are also related to Noisia's related artists. Secondly, the
network is based on user-generated data, and not Noisia's actual con-
tacts, so it might be interesting to see what the closeness results bring
for this socio-digital network and this is included it in the analysis.
Betweenness concerns the flow of information or other traffic and
of the influence actors might have over that flow. Betweenness is a
measure of how often a given actor falls along the shortest path be-
tween two other actors (Newman 2010: 186). More specifically, it is
calculated for a given focal actor by computing, for each pair of actors
other than the focal actor, what proportion of all the shortest paths
from one to the other pass through the focal actor. These proportions
are summed across all pairs and the result is a single value for each actor
in the network. Betweenness centrality for an actor j is given by the for-
mula b:
b
j
=
∑
g
ijk
g
ij
i<k
where g is the number of geodesic paths connecting i and k
through j, and g
ik
is the total number of geodesic paths connecting ac-
tors i and k (Borgatti et al. 2013: 174). High scoring betweenness-actors
are the 'bridges' over which information tends to flow (Granovetter
1973). In general, they have a structurally advantaged position by being
in between other actors; it has "the capacity to broker contacts among
78 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
other actors – to extract 'service charges' and to isolate actors or prevent
contacts" (Hanneman 2005). Betweenness is often useful as an index of
the potential of a point for control of what flows through the ties (Free-
man 1978: 224). It is important to realize that the centralities are not
definitions of built-in properties of centrality but rather hypotheses
about the potential consequences of centrality, either for the actor or
the network in which they are embedded (Borgatti et al. 2013: 164).
5 Case study: results
The network graph seen below (figure 2) forms the network visualisation
of Noisia's Spotify Related Artists. The overall network is shaped by
Force Atlas2. This algorithm uses a formula for repulsion and attraction:
without links, the actors repulse each other and spread. The ties work as
springs that draw the actors together, aiming to produce a layout that
shows visual densities that denote structural densities (Jacomy et al.
2014). The appearance of the actors (the artists, the dots) have been
modified according to the popularity attribute as indicated by Spotify.
The undirected network has 549 actors and 5634 ties. Every actor is an
artist whose music can be found on Spotify and every tie is for when
Spotify relates one artist to another, linking them to each other through
their profile pages. The network consists of one component, meaning
every actor is connected to the others within the network, directly or
through others. Also, the actors are one-mode, because each of them
are single type artists, meaning every actor could conceivably be con-
nected to any other.
A first glance at this network already reveals basic information, such
as who the artists in the network are, and who they are connected to.
The names were observed of those that appear in Noisia's network, how
'big' they are in terms of Spotify popularity, and where they stand in this
network: who seem central, and what names were seen on the outer
edges. What particularly stands out in the visualisation (as opposed to
tables and matrices of numbers and names) is the appearance, or the
shape of the network.
Networking data 79
Figure 2: Network visualisation of Noisia's (arrow) Spotify Related Artists. The dots rep-
resent the actors (artists) and the ties between them represent a Related Artist link on
Spotify. The size and colour of the dots represent popularity as indicated by Spotify.
80 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
The spread of the artists is quite expanded and shows some more
densely knit areas that seem less connected to the rest. The densely knit
areas are clusters of artists. Within those clusters the artists share many
ties amongst themselves , their 'relatedness' apparently being very
high. For example, in the cluster on the bottom left (shown in detail in
figure 3), many ties between those artists can be observed, but as little
as four ties link them to the rest of the network, coming from only two
particular artists (Infected Mushroom and Juno Reactor). The other ac-
tors in this cluster might have a central role in their particular cluster,
but without links to the other clusters, Noisia can be quite 'far' from
these artists- or in Barabasi's (2002: 61) words, they would "move in
different worlds".
Figure 3: Detail of Noisia's Spotify related artists' network. One of the artists' clusters
that appears on the bottom left.
Between those areas with high density are structural holes; areas
with an absence of ties between the actors. Structural holes can be a
source of inequality amongst actors, as they are associated with posi-
tional advantage or disadvantage (Hanneman 2005). The artist Magic
Mushroom for example, is highly connected inside the cluster, but is also
the only one that relates to Noisia's main cluster (through Pendulum,
Networking data 81
who is directly tied to Noisia). Typically, this position can therefore fulfil
a gatekeeper role for their cluster, or a representative for others (ibid).
What follows is a discussion of the results of the ten actors most
central in this network. Some of the aforementioned features will be
covered later.
5.1 Centrality measures
Table 1 below shows the results for the actors most central presented
per type of centrality. They form structural attributes to each artist. As
this is an egocentric network with Noisia as the starting actor from
which the network is built, high values for closeness and betweenness
for Noisia is not surprising and of little informative value. For that rea-
son, an 11
th
entry is added for closeness and betweenness, so we can
address ten other actors ('alters'). Noisia's results are left in because
their values will be addressed later on.
Table 1: Top central actors for 3 different centrality measures.
artist
degree
artist
closeness
centrality
artist
1
Gridlok
66
Noisia
0.402054292
Foreign Beggars
2
High Contrast
57
Sub Focus
0.393961179
Freestylers
3
Logistics
57
The Qemists
0.393961179
Noisia
4
Teebee
56
Pendulum
0.3856439127
Pendulum
5
Skynet
54
NERO
0.3848314607
Sub Focus
6
Dom & Roland
47
Dieselboy
0.3834849545
Infected Mushroom
7
London El-
ektricity
47
High Contrast
0.3832167832
deadmau5
8
Dillinja
46
Freestylers
0.379501385
Dieselboy
9
Current Value
46
Concord Dawn
0.3677852349
Example
10
Brookes Broth-
ers
45
Foreign Beggars
0.3675385647
Hadouken!
11
Magnetic Man
0.363395
High Contrast
82 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
Overlap is visible mainly between the actors who are high in close-
ness and betweenness. Degree shows one actor (High Contrast) that
reappears in the closeness and betweenness list. In relation to the rest
of the network, table 2 gives an overview of the descriptive statistics of
the centrality measures in the overall network. The standard deviation of
closeness and betweenness reveal that, although their main actors
might be similar, the variety amongst the actors for betweenness is
quite big, which is not the case with closeness. This shows clearly in the
visualisations of the centralities as well as we will see later on.
degree
closeness centrality
betweenness centrality
count
549
549
549
mean
20.52459
0.281069
716.677596
std
9.19506
0.036227
1735.252999
min
2
0.218762
0
25%
14
0.251838
33.026142
50%
20
0.279165
172.105946
75%
26
0.305122
601.943473
max
66
0.402054
17283.04319
Table 2: Descriptive statistics for the overall network for three centrality measures.
Although the numbers on their own point to who the central actors
are, in combination with a visual representation the top actors can be
seen in context of the complete network. For that reason, there is an
adjusted visualisation per category of the network in the sections below.
Both the values and the visualisations help to investigate the centralities
in Noisia's Spotify artists' network.
5.2 Degree centrality
In Noisia's network, degree centrality has a range from 66 ties (Gridlok)
to 2 ties (Fat Freddy's Drop and Mighty Dub Catz) and Noisia themselves
have a degree centrality of 27, not appearing in the top ten. The top
Networking data 83
degree actors are not evenly spread in the network (figure 4); they are
all situated near to Noisia's position, in the densely knit upper area. For
being in more or less the same cluster, this suggests there is a close re-
latedness amongst these top actors. The lower values are strikingly visi-
ble in the mid-right and bottom-left.
Figure 4: Noisia's Spotify Related Artist Network highlighting the top 10 actors with high-
est degree centrality. The size of the dots (small-large) are according to degree (low-
high).
84 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
5.3 Closeness centrality
Closeness centrality relates to the actors most closely connected to oth-
ers in the overall structure of network. Closeness centrality in this net-
work ranges from 0.402054292 (Noisia) to 0.218762 (DJ IQ). As Noisia is
our starting point, their values naturally appear at the top. This is not
interesting as it is self-evident, and therefore Noisia will not be consid-
ered. The remaining top ten for closeness, are the actors with the small-
est mean distance to others. As we can see in the next network graph
(figure 5), the high closeness actors seem come from the centre of the
graph, and fan out to the edges of the network to those actors with low-
est closeness centrality; the actors with the highest closeness centrality
are quite literally central.
5.4 Betweenness centrality
Betweenness centrality measures how often an actor falls on the short-
est path between other actors. The range for betweenness in Noisia's
network goes from 17283.043191 (Foreign Beggars) to 0.0 (for 5 actors).
Noisia is #3 with a betweenness of 14811.78684. Again, this should ig-
nore Noisia since having a high betweenness position is of little interest
given they cannot be in between themselves. The next ten high be-
tweenness actors are, therefore, highlighted in the visualisation of the
network betweenness (figure 6).
This image is undoubtedly very different from the previous ones.
The range of values are much larger, and the visualisation reflects this.
The top betweenness actors stand out significantly because of these
differences. The spread stands out as well: in this case the lower regions
are included in the top ten as well, while with the other two centralities
the central actors were closer to Noisia. The position of these high be-
tweenness actors reflect what is characteristic for this measurement:
high betweenness actors are called bridges as their position typically
falls in between clusters of actors. The highlighted actors in the network
graph show ties that connect otherwise much more separated clusters.
Networking data 85
Figure 5: Noisia's Spotify Related Artist Network highlighting the top 10 actors with high-
est closeness centrality. The size of the dots (small-large) are according to closeness
(low-high).
86 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
Figure 6: Noisia's Spotify Related Artist Network highlighting the top 10 actors with high-
est betweenness centrality. The size of the dots (small-large) according to betweenness
(low-high).
Networking data 87
The results from the different centrality measurements are far from
identical and their usefulness equally varies. That 'being central' can be
interpreted in different ways is clearly observed through the different
kinds of centrality measures.
6 Network analysis
As argued before, the systems that provide the data play an important
part in the outcome: they are socio-technical systems. Being built by
humans with a certain idea in mind, they are intermediaries with their
own ethics, values and duties. Spotify's Related Artists section, the start-
ing point for the analysis, is therefore already laden with value and
meaning in several ways. To make the connection between artists, Spoti-
fy constructs an image of the artists through endless data points, creat-
ed by themselves and by their users. This process gives rise to a certain
datafied construction of the artists; it creates a 'data double' (Lupton
2014).
7
Spotify then uses that data double to make their connections
and predictions, causing the doubles to have their own social lives and
materiality. Secondly, by making the related artists a prominent feature
on a profile, Spotify assumes that users would find this interesting in-
formation. It may indeed be true that with so many users and so much
behavioural information, there is a good chance that the linking of art-
ists in this way is meaningful and wanted information yet it only has a
certain meaning. Listener behaviour determined that the artists in the
network are Noisia's related artists in this case. Alternatively, a network
of related artists based on musical similarities, such as provided by Pan-
dora Internet Radio does (Prey 2018), is probably just as effective. As
Spotify is an important platform for artists to reach their audience and
obtain revenue, the way they operate determines the possibilities to a
certain extent. If an artist disagrees with the results, there is not much
7
Lupton uses this term to refer to datafied constructions made by self-tracking, but the principle of
'a self' constructed by data applies here also. Other terms have been used as well, such as 'data
shadow' (Andrejevic 2013) or 'data subject' (Ruppert 2011). I prefer the term 'double' as it high-
lights, in my perception, the fact that it is often treated as something complete and autonomous,
often mistaken for the real thing.
88 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
that can be done, but the results will still affect the artists,
8
plainly what
Spotify says is important.
The results need to be considered with this in mind. If one examines
the clusters in the network (the more densely connected artists), it is
evident they coincide roughly with different music genres. The visualisa-
tion below (figure 7) reveals the genres that can be associated with the
clusters. This shows that Noisia's network is (unsurprisingly) dominated
by electronic music, with some space for Rap and HipHop (cen-
tral/bottom right). Even though Noisia collaborated with and remixed
for musicians from the Pop and Metal genres in the Spotify network
artists from those genres do not appear at all. In that way the network
does not represent Noisia's actual artist network, but their data dou-
ble's. The network is thus not less real but It is not a conventional social
network where the relations are made by the artists themselves, but
these artists are truly related in a way that the algorithm linked massive
user-data points regarding their music and profile together.
What then, is Noisia's related artists' network? It is the intercon-
nected artists on Spotify presented in a network graph. It is an imposed
network, one that came into being not naturally by actual relations but
determined by Spotify's algorithms that used data generated by user
behaviour; a network of data doubles.
9
Keeping in mind the ambiguous
nature of the source, there is a clear reason to take this network serious-
ly. Even though we cannot always know what exactly is in the 'black
box'
10
(the technology), we can use its outcomes to gain insight. To some
extent, the black box needs to be trusted, because the streaming plat-
8
For the related artists section, his can be painfully clear especially for artists that are new to the
platform and on whom not much data is yet available. One artist by the name of 'Exodus Music'
makes congregational worship music and reported on only having heavy metal bands in their Relat-
ed Artists section (Spotify Community).
9
Also, Rieders crawler of the network incorporated certain decisions, such as how big he allows the
network to be. With different ranges, the network could be larger or smaller, influencing the results
as well.
10
According to Latour, "paradoxically, the more science and technology succeed, the more opaque
and obscure they become" (1999, 304). The 'black box' is commonly referred to as those obscured
internal workings of systems that are often a mystery to the user, who only focuses on input and/or
output.
Networking data 89
form has proven its worth by becoming an important platform for musi-
cians and listeners. Nevertheless, there is a need to know about the
black box, to acknowledge that it might serve purposes beyond the us-
er's (like Spotify's needs). Additionally, there is the mediating role of
technology, the possibility that even by providing this information, Spoti-
fy could be shaping the way artists relate to each other and what users
listen to. The way Spotify implements Related Artists pushes artists to
consider the suggested artists as related, and we thereby might treat
them that way. Likewise, seeing an actor having a prominent position in
the network, will make us approach them in this manner.
Figure 7: Genre clusters in Noisia's Spotify Artist Network.
90 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
6.1 Centrality analysis: degree centrality
By means of centrality analysis, one can examine possibilities and re-
strictions of actors in the network. Each centrality measure has its own
characteristics and will be addressed separately.
Having a high degree means the artist is highly visible on Spotify,
which means the artist is often linked with the profiles of other artists.
Other possibilities include the artists appearing as a suggestion to the
user as something they would be interested in. The actors from this top
ten are probably well-known by any one of the actors in this network and
their fans. In a way the score reflects the most prestigious or popular
artists of Noisia's network. If we compare these names with the first
network graph (figure 2), which reflects Spotify's overall popularity, we
notice there is a difference. With regard to all Spotify's artists, in Noisia's
network, the most popular ones appear at the centre-right (the 'House
cluster') (see figure 7). It makes sense that the results differ, because
drum and bass is a less mainstream sub-genre of Electronic Music than
House, which overall has a bigger audience. Even so, when looking at
Noisia, the position of important actors in this personal network would
be more meaningful to them, as they would be less interested in the
'whole', where they play a relatively marginal role. In their network, the
high degree actors such as Gridlok, High Contrast and Logistics, are most
likely the important, highly esteemed ones in the genre, more so than
for example Tiësto or David Guetta, who are more popular on Spotify.
High degree centrality in Noisia's network gives the artists an advan-
tageous position with regard to connections and information that are
interesting for Noisia. Even when we approach the artists as data dou-
bles, this idea still stands. Degree information is valuable for example if
one was looking for certain information or to form a collaboration. Art-
ists with a high degree position might be the ones to connect to, as they
are the prestigious artists in the network. Another reasons to pursue
these artists would be if Noisia would want to release their own infor-
mation (such as news or a new track) getting support from these other
actors would be meaningful as their opinion would likely be held in high
regard and therefore influential in their network. A downside is that
Networking data 91
because the high degree actors have great access to information and
options because of their many connections, it would be harder to influ-
ence them since they are less dependent on others because of their posi-
tion and do not need the influence of others to succeed. Even so, all top
central actors are situated close to Noisia's position in this network, in
the top clusters, indicating these actors are all closely connected: they
are either directly related to Noisia through Spotify, or through one or a
few ties. Their structural closeness is visible when we take a closer look:
there are for example many 2-distant-paths (a separation of two
ties/one actor) between Noisia and Gridlok (the #1 degree actor), mean-
ing there is only one other artists profile separating the two and they
share much the same audience and are visible in each other's network.
As noted before these high degree actors are probably well known to
the audience because of their visible position so to learn that these
names hold each other in high esteem might not exactly be news. To
know exactly who are given linked in this way by Spotify probably is. It is
likely that based on real-life connections, the artists themselves would
name very different artists but Spotify's data shows, which artists users
hold in high regard and find important as made clear by their listening
behaviour, all of which could add a deeper insight into the connections
Noisia already has and is familiar with.
6.2 Centrality analysis: closeness centrality
The top closeness actors are the ones that have the shortest distance
from all others in the network. Their position in this Spotify network
means that we can quickly reach these artists through other artists pro-
files. Since we are dealing with an ego network, starting from Noisia, it is
not surprising that Noisia is close to Noisia. It explains the fanning out of
high to low closeness actors as well, as the low closeness actors have
been rendered only through connections by other profiles, further away
from the starting point of Noisia's profile. The names in the rest of the
top ten, then, are logically found closely related to Noisia.
Since the network is egocentric, we would expect all the actors high
in closeness to be directly tied to Noisia, but there are actually two ac-
92 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
tors in the top ten who are not: High Contrast and Magnetic Man. By
expanding the network two steps beyond Noisia's directly related artists,
the centrality of all the actors shifted. When looking at closeness, it gave
more weight to some artists outside Noisia's direct ties. In terms of this
particular network, it shows some artists 'further away' as having a more
closely connected position. Because of this, we could attempt to ap-
proach it as if it were a whole network and see what that brings.
Usually, high closeness indicates a high likelihood of the actor for
being in close connection to the network actors. An actor with a high
closeness position, is never far away from the others in a network and
thus would be able to avoid potential control by others for having their
own quick access to information or people. A high position would ac-
count for more direct influence than others. However, we are not deal-
ing with personal, 'physical' relationships between the artists and this
network. The question arises how a high closeness artist in the Spotify
Related Artists Network can for example, exercise control over another
actor. Control, in this case, is exercised by the data of large amounts of
users, unknowingly forming ties by using the platform. Noisia would not
be able to cut a tie to refrain another actor from information (in that
way 'exercise their power'). Noisia, nor any other central actor, has little,
if any, control over the ties. The powerful and efficient tools of short
transmission time and direct influence associated with closeness, would
only be applicable if this network of Noisia's data double resembles the
real artist's network, which would have to be assessed separately. Addi-
tionally, the standard deviation is small (table 2), as we see visually re-
flected in figure 5. The range of high scoring actors is quite large (visible
as the many big, (dark)orange dots), and the closeness scores overall
show little variance− something closeness suffers from in general (Bor-
gatti et al. 2013: 173). This suggests that to occupy a position with high
closeness is not unique, which limits its usefulness.
6.3 Centrality analysis: betweenness centrality
High betweenness actors are the 'bridges' in the network over which
information tends to flow. In our network, this means a high between-
Networking data 93
ness actor is an artist profile that often appears between two other pro-
files. What stands out in these results (figure 5.5), is that beside a few of
the actors that are central or important in other terms (for instance hav-
ing high degree), we also find actors that in other cases hold relatively
marginal positions in the network. This points towards the idea that
'smaller players' can be important bridges. Compared to closeness cen-
trality, the difference between higher and lower scoring actors is much
bigger: the top ten unquestionably stands out. That Noisia appears high
in these lists is again of little surprise, because with the data coming
from an egocentric design, by definition all pairs of actors are connected
either directly or indirectly via the ego (Marsden 2002: 410). The next
top ten betweenness actors will be the interesting ones in this case.
Again, because we deal with data generate by platform user-
behaviour, and not the actual social network of the artists, we cannot
say the artists themselves have control and influence over connections.
With regard to betweenness, the #1, Foreign Beggars, cannot exercise
power by for example isolating or preventing contacts on Spotify, as
would be the case in a purely human social network. Even though none
of the actors can actually control the relations, high positions still ac-
count for important actors that can function as bridges on the streaming
platform: high betweenness actors appear often between artists pages
on Spotify and thus connect their audiences. The bridge-actors in several
cases could prove to be valuable ties for reaching out to other genres. If
for example Noisia were interested in expanding their audience and
genre-horizon, high betweenness could indicate which other artists al-
ready in their network, might prove a strategic ally. Based on the results,
Foreign Beggars and Example can connect them to an audience of Rap
and HipHop, Freestylers to House and Dance music and Infected Mush-
room to Psychedelic Trance.
However, since Noisia have been productive for many years, collab-
orations with a lot of the artists in their network have in fact already
taken place. Noisia has produced music together with certain artists and
(as is very common in electronic music) remixed many others. An exten-
sive collaboration between Noisia and the rap artists Foreign Beggars for
94 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
example even led to the forming of supergroup 'I Am Legion'. Further-
more, they already have remixed for half of this betweenness top actors
alone. The possibility that these ties and centralities appear in Noisia's
Spotify related artists network could well be because they worked to-
gether in the past, which would reflect the effects of their musical
choices. By collaborating with rap artists, they gained an audience that
share an interest in both rap and electronic music, which makes them
related artists. On the other hand, we do not find any Pop or Metal art-
ists here, so Noisia's productions for pop artists (such as Robbie Williams
and Katy Perry), or the collaborations with the metal band Korn did not
result in bridging those audiences, at least not visibly so on Spotify. At
this point, unexplored bridges might prove fruitful connections to new
genres and their audiences, or the related artists network could be de-
ployed to find artists beyond their network to really explore new audi-
ences. For example, artists on the periphery might have little importance
within the current network but can be effective in connecting to other
networks and hence audiences.
This centrality analysis shows a more in-depth understanding of an
artist on one of the most important music streaming platforms by look-
ing at the relationships it identifies between musicians. The network
shows us what artist group Noisia is perceived to belong to according to
the data. As far as Spotify reveals, the related artists are based on user
activity, so it tells us something also about audience perception; the
artists in the network are the artists that share an audience. The differ-
ent kind of central figures in the network can point towards important
artists— maybe not a view founded on how the artists see themselves
but one based on user behaviour data. If we include considerations
about the importance of these actors in the real world, the data can be
put to use beyond Spotify's streaming platform.
7 Discussion and conclusion
When it comes to data analysis, there is no shortage of help in accumu-
lating numbers and showing timelines. Many services provide such intel-
Networking data 95
ligence on their own platform, and services that incorporate the results
from several platforms are growing (e.g. SoundCharts, Next Big Sound,
Chartmetric). A more fundamental question is the best way to approach
data analytics and platforms in general, and other ways of analysing data
that provides more insight than plain statistics. A key aspect is that plat-
forms like Spotify are sociotechnical systems, making them function as
cultural intermediaries. The digitisation of the music business has been
caused by a wider technological advancement, driven by typical network
concepts and methods, which led individuals to become more net-
worked as well. For that reason, employing a network perspective to
answer to the need of insight beyond statistics is to be recommended.
Based on the findings, both theoretical and empirical, there is an answer
to the main question of what possibilities network theory can provide
music business professionals. That we live in a networked society is no
surprise but to realise that networks are not random is less well known.
Networks follow internal rules and patterns that we can study and
the theory of networks offers a way of approaching the world by think-
ing in relations, not in isolated units or groups. We can use it to make
sense out of online platforms that themselves use typical network struc-
tures and ideas. Using network perspectives and analysis will usually not
directly show one how to succeed or predict the future, but its value is
beyond that; it provides guidance on where to look for answers (Marin &
Wellman 2011: 21). Network theory provides the tools and methods to
understand our complex systems of relationships. When the biases that
come with datafication are taken into consideration, using network per-
spective when dealing with data and online platforms can indeed offer
more control and power over one's activity.
A case study of Noisia's related artists has shown that caution is
needed when we apply network analysis for algorithm provided data.
This caution will reveal the biased nature of the data and makes us real-
ise what the numbers can reveal. It allows us to bridge unproductive
data scepticism and naive faith in numbers. Each investigated centrality
measure reflects some important, powerful structural characteristic of
the network: degree centrality demonstrated who the prominent actors
96 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
in the network are, which can be useful when seeking reach or respect,
for example. Closeness centrality highlighted the actors who have the
shortest distance from all other actors in the network, but the value of
this measurement is not likely to be that useful with so little variety in
the results and because this was an egocentric network. Betweenness
exposed the actors that fell along the shortest paths, or, the possible
bridges of the network. They are not per se prominent actors, but possi-
ble connectors between for example audiences or genres. Importantly,
we cannot blindly follow the theory behind the centrality measures, to
say the centrality measures reveals possible opportunities and re-
strictions, when it comes to this network. An understanding and critical
approach to data and the way it has been mediated by algorithms and
platforms, an awareness of the black box as it were, is necessary to rea-
sonably interpret the results. If the network resembled the real-life so-
cial network of Noisia, then the power and control possibilities make
sense but that is not the case with this algorithm generated network.
Investigating this particular network gives insight into the position Spoti-
fy places the artists and tells us a lot about how listener behaviour cre-
ates a datafied version of Noisia with its own reality and network. Since
Spotify plays an increasingly important role in the way audiences discov-
er music, it is valuable to gain insight into how the platform organises,
categorises and links artists because that information is vital to potential
success. The network analysis in the case study indicates one of those
ways, and consequently reveals information on interesting relations
Spotify draws for Noisia, both past and future.
8 Limitations and future work
However freely available or easily accessible much network data and
tools are, it is to be noted that network theory is a complex area of
study. Network analysis demands commitment to the subject and theory
for the research to be useful. When proposing anyone to apply a net-
work perspective to gain insight, thorough application and understand-
ing probably demands specialised assistance. With regard to practical
Networking data 97
issues, one main limitation lies in the source of the data. Because Spotify
is not completely transparent about the way the related artists are con-
structed, it cannot be completely determined what exactly flows
through the ties. The analysis was made on the assumption that the
decisive data source is user behaviour, based on reports on Spotify's
platform, but how exactly this is assembled could not be verified. This
adds uncertainty to the results.
Furthermore, while network perspective has become increasingly
important to describe social dynamics in today's information age,
11
the
fact remains that our interactions are not only typically, more fragment-
ed, diverse and free than before, they are also more digital which can
complicate things. The way we connect, communicate and exchange
information indeed can be approached as embedded in networked
structures, but the 'classical' constraints, rules and procedures are not
always the same. In social network theory, trust for example is regarded
as the primary currency (Rainie & Wellman 2012: 19). Much of the activ-
ity is aimed at gaining and building trust, because trust ensures relation-
ship ties, which are necessary to thrive. But if one looks at a related art-
ists network on Spotify, where does trust fit in when the ties are made
or broken?
Trust does not have a place in the process of building relations con-
structed from big data, accumulated by machines. This fact signals a
weakness in Latour's equalizing of all types of actors, human or non-
human, in his actor-network-theory. When our socio-technical networks
follow different rules to our usual social networks, there must be a dif-
ference, and such networks perhaps need another approach. It would be
interesting to see how network theory can adapt to these develop-
ments.
This research aimed to engage in both qualitative and quantitative
practice using methods and tools that go beyond any single approach. At
an academic level, the results may add some insight into how to critically
11
As described thoroughly in for example Barabási's "Linked" (2002), Castell's "Rise of the Net-
worked Society" (2009) and Rainie & Wellman's "Networked: The New Social Operating System"
(2012).
98 International Journal of Music Business Research, April 2019, vol. 8 no. 1
engage with theory and practice. What the research findings offer to
music professionals is a concept of how to deal with our datafied sur-
roundings, that have quite suddenly permeated the music industry. By
looking at events as a collective effort and seeing that everything is con-
nected, thinking in networked relations can help grasp some meaning
amidst the current deluge of information.
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